Courtesy of Reason’s Friday Funnies.
National
John Stossel hits the nail on the head (as usual) with his latest plea to keep Washington out of the economy:
President Obama says government will have to build the nation out of the economic trough.
“We’re the country that built the intercontinental railroad,” Obama says. “So how can we now sit back and let China build the best railroads?”
Ironic that he mentions the Chinese. Progressives used to complain that to build the railroad, bosses abused Chinese workers—called them “coolies” and treated them badly. Now this is big success?
I guess Obama doesn’t know that the transcontinental railroad was a Solyndra-like Big Government scandal. The railroad didn’t make economic sense at the time, so the government subsidized construction and gave the companies huge quantities of the best land on the continent. As we should expect, without market discipline—profit and loss—contractors ripped off the taxpayers. After all, if you get paid by the amount of track you lay, you’ll lay more track than necessary.
Credit Mobilier, the first rail construction company, made enormous profits by overcharging for its work. To keep the subsidies flowing, it made big contributions to congressmen.
Where have we heard that recently?
Read his full piece on Government the Job Killer.
Interesting–and blood-boiling–piece over at Investors Business Daily on Obama’s world apology tour:
The obsessive need of this president to apologize for American exceptionalism and our defense of freedom continued recently when Barack Obama’s State Department (run by Hillary Clinton) contacted the family of al-Qaida propagandist and recruiter Samir Khan to “express its condolences” to his family.
Khan, a right-hand man to Anwar al-Awlaki, was killed along with Awlaki in an airstrike in Yemen on Sept. 30. We apologized for killing a terrorist before he could help kill any more of us.
It’s yet another part of the world apology tour that began with Obama taking the oath of office to protect and defend the United States and its Constitution against all enemies foreign and domestic, something he immediately felt sorry for.
One stop on his tour was Prague in August 2009. There he spoke of “America’s commitment to seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons,” ignoring that before 1945 we lived in such a world and it was neither peaceful nor secure.
Read more here. We’re a little behind on sharing it, but Brad Cates recently had a worthwhile read over at the Daily Caller on The Dangers of Imposing U.S. Law on Others:
The United States is increasing its efforts to impose its laws on sovereign countries and their citizens. These efforts will prove to be counterproductive and dangerous for both U.S. citizens and businesses.
Every sovereign country, but especially those in the democratic developed world, has a right to devise its own laws. This is the essence of sovereignty. Where international sovereign desires conflict or are silent, international law dictates that the conflict is resolved by convention or treaty, or by a mutual legal assistance treaty (MLAT).
Countries have different customs, beliefs, practices, and legal and legislative process. Actions that are legal, or illegal, in one country, or even one state, are not necessarily viewed the same elsewhere. Citizens of Little Rock may fly to Las Vegas to gamble, something prohibited in their city. Americans have been known to legally take a toke while in Amsterdam.
In the legal issues surrounding liberty department, Clark Neily of the Institute for Justice has an interesting series of guest-blogger posts up over at the Volokh Conspiracy detailing the issue of “judicial engagement” — an issue on which many conservatives and libertarians divide. Here is an excerpt of his Day 1 post:
he Institute for Justice coined the term “judicial engagement” (and created the Center for Judicial Engagement) out of our conviction that America has more government than the Constitution authorizes and that this is largely due to the failure of our courts to properly enforce constitutional limits on government power. In calling for judicial engagement, we are simply asking judges to actually judge the constitutionality of government action in all constitutional cases.
What does that entail?
In cases involving favored constitutional values like free speech and avoiding suspect classifications, judges determine the government’s actual objectives and then evaluate the “fit” between those objectives and the means chosen to advance them. And, as Judge Sykes recently explained in analogizing the Second Amendment right to keep and bear arms to the First Amendment right of free expression in Ezell v. City of Chicago, “the government must supply actual, reliable evidence to justify” its restrictions. 2011 U.S. App. LEXIS 14108, *62 (7th Cir. July 6, 2011).
While reasonable minds may differ about whether it is possible to identify the government’s “true” ends or determine whether there is an appropriate “fit” between ends and means, the fact remains that courts routinely assume both inquiries are not only possible but essential in protecting key constitutional values. Judicial engagement simply proposes that there should not be a category of cases in which courts totally abandon those inquiries — and the underlying jurisprudential convictions they reflect — as they often do.
* * *
Judicial engagement is not a call for judges to strike down laws willy-nilly. Rather, it is a call for judges to recognize the importance of constitutionally limited government and to maintain a basic level of analytical consistency. Judges should refuse to ignore evidence, invent facts, or accept implausible justifications in some constitutional settings that they would flatly — and correctly — reject in others.
A primary area of concern in the context of judicial engagement is the issue of economic liberty. IJ has historically litigated (extensively) on this issue and PubliusNM reader Mike Frese has his own Economic Liberty blog that is worth checking out and bookmarking.
We’ve neglected WSJ’s Political Diary recently, so here are some updates on the 2012 election and, in particular, of the most recent debate, courtesy of recent Diary posts:
Next year’s presidential race is shaping up to be a contest between pro-market advocates (Republicans) versus redistributionists (Democrats). Nowhere is this clearer than in the administration’s bid to position the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau as a key bulwark against evil banks and financiers.
For a glimpse of this message, see Deputy Senior Advisor and Assistant to the President Stephanie Cutter’s post on the White House blog last Thursday, where she characterized the CFPB as a “important new watchdog for consumers,” and tried to rebut Republican concerns about the agency’s unprecedented powers. The post was remarkable not just for Ms. Cutter’s enthusiasm, but for the fine line she walked between truth and outright fiction.
Ms. Cutter repeats, for instance, the Democratic mantra that the CFPB is an “independent” banking agency, and thus shouldn’t be subject to Congressional appropriations. What she doesn’t mention is that the CFPB isn’t a banking regulator with safety and soundness contraints, but rather a consumer agency akin to the Consumer Product Safety Commission. Nor did she mention the CFPB has few limitations on the disclosure of sensitive financial audits, as real banking regulators — the Federal Reserve and the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency — do. (In fact the CFPB has inked MOUs with State Attorneys General that has many bankers worried about politicized lawsuits.)
Ms. Cutter claims Congress has “ample oversight” of the CFPB through “hearings, reports and audits” and may “overturn any CFPB regulation through legislation.” This may be true, but it’s a far-fetched argument, given political realities. She also cites the Financial Stability Oversight Council as a key check on the CFPB, but fails to mention that the CFPB director has a vote in that body and that the rest of the chairs are filled by political appointees.
The rest of the post is worth reading, if only to see how a public-relations pro can argue her side. The CFPB was never meant to be a “consumer advocate,” but was structured as an unaccountable body that politicians could use to bring financial instituitions to heel when it was politically necessary. Some voters may think that’s good consumer protection; others may think it’s scary. But it’s worthy of a real–and honest–debate.
* * *
The scuttlebutt going into Tuesday’s debate was that Rick Perry could revitalize his campaign with a win or kill it with a loss. Most observers expected some fresh policy and a polished delivery. Mr. Perry instead
disappeared into the background. He neither defended his positions on immigration, vaccinations, or Social Security, nor made more than half-hearted efforts to dislodge Mitt Romney. He went silent for long stretches of time.
So why defy the conventional wisdom? It’s clear that Mr. Perry is in trouble. He’s dropped to third place (or worse) in Iowa, fallen to the low single-digits in New Hampshire polls, and, according to Public Policy Polling, has seen his favorables sink to 23%-57% nationally (Sarah Palin was at 32%-62% in August). Mitt Romney, meanwhile, is racking up big-name endorsements and debate wins.
The question is whether he could successfully wait it out. “Debates are not my strong suit,” he told to Politico — and he may have enough money to claw his way back to contention via a different route. If he could restore his brand through bottom-up campaigning, he might wait for Herman Cain to immolate, and then reemerge as the anti-Romney.
It would be risky. The political calendar is still in flux and comeback timing could be difficult with states jockeying to push up their primaries. Waiting for voters to become desperate usually isn’t the best way to win their forgiveness. If Mr. Perry still intends to dazzle on the big stage, next week’s debate in Nevada is most likely his last chance.
* * *
Some impressions from Tuesday night’s Republican presidential debate:
Herman Cain’s 9-9-9 plan isn’t built for the long campaign haul. As appealing as it is conceptually, and as bold as it may be (as Mr. Cain keeps saying), the plan’s new 9% national sales tax looks like a political poison pill. Michele Bachmann’s attack on it for creating a new “pipeline” for revenue for Washington was a direct hit, and Mr. Cain didn’t really have an adequate answer. Meanwhile, the journalist moderator’s line that it is a “regressive” tax is a harbinger of class war criticism to come. Mr. Cain has much to recommend him as a candidate, not least his commanding presence and likability, but in the national sales tax he has made that rare proposal that can be attacked from both left and right.
Mitt Romney keeps cruising along. He all but ignored Rick Perry, and everyone else on stage for that matter, focusing on President Obama and the economy. He is fortunate that the rest of the field continues to compete to be the main alternative coming out of Iowa, so they beat up on whoever else has risen in the polls. In previous debates it was Mr. Perry, and this week it was Mr. Cain and his 9-9-9 plan. No one has made a sustained attack on Mr. Romney’s Massachusetts record. Perhaps this is also because the candidates fear Mr. Romney’s strength as a debater. So far Mr. Romney has dispatched Tim Pawlenty and Mr. Perry when they sought to go after him, and no one else has really tried.
Newt Gingrich made the best attempt at exposing Mr. Romney’s main weakness as a candidate — his lack of core principles — and he succeeded in part. His query about Mr. Romney’s proposal for a cut in capital gains taxes only for those who make less than $200,000 sent the former Massachusetts governor into his own class-war mode. “I’m not worried about rich people. They are doing just fine,” he said. He then went into a paean to the middle class, which polls well and is why all Democrats since Bill Clinton have used similar language. It’s too bad Mr. Gingrich didn’t have a chance to follow up, because the answer exposed that Mr. Romney has an aversion to lowering tax rates on anyone Democrats call “rich.”
Mr. Perry seemed oddly subdued and diminished. He benefitted from no longer being the center of attacks from other candidates, but he still seemed unable to defend his Texas record on health care, much less sustain an argument against Mr. Romney. The Texas governor has the money to stay in the race and make a paid-media assault on Mr. Romney’s record. But while those ads may hurt Mr. Romney, they won’t help Mr. Perry if he doesn’t look capable and presidential.
* * *
HANOVER, N.H. — Mitt Romney walked off with Tuesday night’s debate here by default — if only because the candidates auditioning for the race’s anyone-but-Romney slot did not, well, make the anyone-but-Romney case. His competitors rarely challenged his record, credibility or message, and when they did, failed to land the punch.
Rick Perry was the only one who went after the former governor’s Massachusetts health-care record, but as usual was hazy on the specifics — despite the fact that his campaign released a commercial attacking Mr. Romney’s credibility. There was some sparring about the difference between “waiving” and “repealing” national health care, but little substance. Other attacks — such as on his income tax cap on capital-gains exemptions — saw no follow-through.
In the post-debate “spin room,” Herman Cain, acting as his own surrogate, said that he was different than Mr. Romney because “He’s a Wall Street executive and I’m a Main Street executive. . . . I’ve actually made hamburgers and pizzas,” he said, though anyone asking for something beyond biography brought him back to his 9-9-9 tax reform.
Michele Bachmann spokesman Alice Stewart called Mr. Romney’s health plan “the seed that grew into ObamaCare” and ought to be a “big liability” for the GOP nominee. Does she think it is disqualifying for the nominee? Merely “a hindrance.”
I tried to find out what the Perry campaign’s Romney strategy was, though its campaign surrogate’s relationship to the campaign was unclear. He alternatively identified himself as a “senior advisor,” “senior New Hampshire advisor” or “New Hampshire senior advisor.”
The larger danger of this vacuum for the GOP is that Mr. Romney enters the general election untested. As for the other candidates, there won’t be a not-Romney candidate if they’re unwilling to challenge Mr. Romney. As for Mr. Romney, senior advisor Eric Fernstrom said that his boss “hardly needs any preparation at all on the economy” before the debates. He was underlining the Romney campaign themes of private-sector economic expertise, but no wonder.
* * *
His campaign floundering, former House Speaker Newt Gingrich upped the wattage in last night’s New Hampshire debate, lashing out at Republicans, Democrats, the media, the Federal Reserve and anything else that moved — and not restricted to that order. The “outsider” approach earned Mr. Gingrich the night’s biggest applause lines, though to what end is unclear.
Mr. Gingrich has been increasing his volume with each successive debate, and last night was his loudest yet. Responding to a question about whether Wall Street bankers should go to jail, he shot back: “if you want to put people in jail, you ought to start with Barney Frank and Chris Dodd” — two Democrats who had close ties to mortgage lenders and who authored the recent financial overregulation bill. He called for a pink slip for Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, who “spent hundreds of billions of dollars in secret bailing out business,” and suggested Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner ought to join Mr. Bernanke in unemployment. He then teed up his favorite piñata, the “news media,”for failing to demand “transparency” in the Fed.
House Republicans once again came in for a roasting by Mr. Gingrich, for agreeing to a deal with President Obama to raise the debt limit — although he didn’t explain what he’d have done instead. He took it to Mitt Romney for that part of the leading candidate’s economic plan that would restrict a capital gains tax cut to those Americans earning less than $250,000, which Mr. Gingrich labeled as Obama-like populism that would “divide” the nation. On the topic of Mr. Obama, he lumped the president with Jimmy Carter, spouting a “bleak” view of America in his continual “apologia disguised as press conferences.”
Since the summer defection of much of his campaign staff, Mr. Gingrich has been largely charting his own course, doggedly presenting himself as the wise and consummate outsider, willing to criticize Republicans and Obama alike. Voters are nonetheless having a tough time forgetting Gingrich the 1990s Politician, especially when he unveils (as he recently did) a “new” Contract with America. And for all the hoots and applause Mr. Gingrich’s witty put-downs earn him, voters seem more interested in those candidates willing to outline reforms, something Mr. Gingrich has largely given up attempting to do in debates. This may explain why the former Speaker continues to struggle with fundraising, and has shown no signs of breaking out in the polls. He’ll need something far more radical than punch lines to break the latest Romney-Perry-Cain narrative.
For any of you still wondering who to get behind, you might consider taking Reason’s recent political “dating game” quiz designed to “match” you with your ideal candidate:
Not sure who to commit to in the Republican primary race? Let Reason help you out.
Picking a presidential candidate is like sorting through online dating profiles—nobody’s quite right, but once a meet-cute is out of the question, the best you can hope for is to pick a mate out of a self-selected digital lineup.
Thus our handy candidate profiles and dating quiz. We’ve got the candidates’ horoscopes, their nick-names, and catalog of flip-flops. (Here’s looking at you, Newt Gingrich and Mitt Romney.) Is Rick Perry the real deal when it comes to small government? We can tell you. What are Herman Cain’s hang-ups? We’ve got those too.
Take our quiz to help select your ideal whatever-in-chief, or just prowl through the offerings by checking out our profiles of all the GOP wannabes.
The profiles of GOP wannabes courtesy of Reason are available here, and read Daniel Heninger’s review of The Unsinkable Mitt Romney at the WSJ here.
Reason’s coverage of the Occupy Wall Street movement has been great, so I’ll first direct you to the page with links to all the great articles. In particular, David Harsanyi’s Occupy Wall Street: A Manifesto is a must-read:
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men, women, and transgendered—and any other human who is able to elude the tyranny of work for a couple of weeks—are created equal. We gather to be free not of tyranny, but of responsibility and college tuitions. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that a government long established and a nation long prosperous be changed for light and transient causes. So let our demands* be submitted to a candid world.
First, we are imbued with as many inalienable rights as a few thousand college kids and a gaggle of borderline celebrities can concoct, among them a guaranteed living wage income regardless of employment and immediate across-the-board debt forgiveness—even if that debt was acquired taking on a mortgage with a 4.1 percent interest rate and no money down, which, we admit, is a pretty sweet deal in historical context…
…but down with the modern gilded age!
We demand that a Master of Fine Arts in musical theater writing, with a minor in German, become an immutable human right, because education is crucial and rich people can afford to fund unemployment checks until we find jobs or in perpetuity, whichever comes first.
Speaking of Occupy Wall Street, Remy has another video out (click here to view in YouTube):
New Mexico
At the end of last week our state GOP filed suit challenging state limits on campaign contributions. Heath Haussamen has the story here:
The lawsuit seeks to void the $5,000 limits placed on donations to political parties, from national parties to state parties, from state parties to county parties, from parties to candidates or candidates’ political action committees, and on contributions made for the purpose of forming independent expenditures. It doesn’t challenge limits on the size of donations individuals can make to candidates.
“Today we filed a lawsuit to protect New Mexicans’ right to freedom of speech,” state GOP Executive Director Bryan Watkins said in a news release. “We are confident that we will be successful in this case, as cases from around the country have found in favor of protection of freedom of speech, including a recent U.S. Supreme Court decision.”
Read the lawsuit here.
Also in the legal / political crossover news locally, redistricting has gone to the courts following Gov. Martinez’s veto. Multiple suits have been filed so the ultimate decision appears headed for our Supreme Court.



