National

Charges against John Edwards for campaign finance law violations have survived motions to dismiss:

There have been doubts about the strength of the government’s case against former presidential candidate John Edwards.

But as an initial matter, the charges withstood five motions to dismiss filed by Edwards’ attorneys. The AP has the storyhere.

U.S. District Court Judge Catherine C. Eagles in Greensboro denied the motions Thursday, paving the way for Edwards to stand trial in January for allegedly using campaign funds to cover up an affair he had during his unsuccessful bid for the White House and then submitting false campaign-finance reports to cover his tracks. He has pleaded not guilty.

An interesting case, and we’ll continue to keep an eye on it. Some good information in Political Diary today and yesterday:

Barack Obama may have dreamed of being the liberal Ronald Reagan, a transformative president who could build a consensus for larger government just as Reagan did for smaller government. And after enacting ObamaCare and driving deficit spending to levels not seen since World War II, Mr. Obama might seem to be well on his way. But the president’s western campaign swing this week demonstrated the enduring influence of the politics of Reagan.

Speaking to students at the University of Colorado’s Denver campus, Mr. Obama claimed that “the reason I’ve been hitting the road so much is because the folks I’m talking to in cities and small towns and communities all across America, they’re — let’s face it, they’re making a little more sense than the folks back in Washington.” It’s unclear how many of the youngsters in the audience grasped the absurdity of this statement, coming from an incumbent president who has pursued the most aggressive agenda in half a century to shift power to the “folks back in Washington” and away from the folks in other cities and towns. Adding to the farcical nature of the event, Mr. Obama was there to announce yet another expansion of a federal program — an increase in taxpayer subsidies of student loans.

Why does a politician who clearly doesn’t believe in a more limited role for Washington feel the need to sound as if he does? Because Ronald Reagan persuaded Americans that government is most often the cause of America’s problems, not the solution, and that the nonsense of bureaucratic Washington can’t compete with the common sense of free people operating in free markets. Mr. Obama’s remarks suggest that despite the leftist policy triumphs of his first two years in office, the Reagan political consensus endures.

* * *

Republican presidential hopeful Rick Perry must be onto something with his flat tax. Liberals wasted no time on Tuesday shooting arrows at the Texas governor’s proposal, labeling it a giant-sized tax cut for millionaires and billionaires that’s paid for with higher taxes on the middle class.

Obama administration spokesman Ben LaBolt said the flat tax “would shift a greater share of taxes away from large corporations and the wealthiest onto the backs of the middle class.” Mr. Obama’s team just can’t get away from the class warfare theme.

The Democratic National Committee was also on the warpath. It sent out an email claiming to “fact check” the Perry flat tax, which would offer taxpayers the choice of filing under the current system or paying a 20% rate. The DNC cites former Obama administration economist Jared Bernstein, who says “not only would [the plan] shift the tax burden from the rich to middle-class and poorer taxpayers, but it would also shift the burden of tax preparation away from the rich.” Apparently, tax fairness means everyone has to share equally in the burden of tax complexity. Now, there’s an argument that only a tax accountant could love.

The Perry campaign has spent much of the past few days swatting down these “fairness” attacks. A Perry spokesman tells me that “nearly every income category comes out ahead financially under the flat tax. We were very careful to construct this in a way that protects the middle class from higher taxes.” Because the system is optional, no American has to pay a higher tax if they don’t want to. And like Herman Cain’s 9-9-9 plan, Mr. Perry’s proposal eliminates the corporate welfare in the code that allows companies like GE to pay no tax.

Now the pressure is on Mr. Romney to devise a bold tax plan of his own. He’s put out a detailed economic proposal with 57 planks and has called for tax rate cuts and other reforms, but he hasn’t put forward a comprehensive plan to overhaul a tax system that now extracts more than $300 billion a year in compliance and enforcement costs. Conservatives are challenging Mr. Romney to adopt a sweeping tax rewrite. He may have to do that if he wants to win the nomination, because right now the Republicans are a flat tax party.

Former Reagan Economist William Niskanen passed away earlier this week:

All of us at the Cato Institute are saddened to announce that William A. Niskanen, distinguished senior economist and chairman emeritus of the Cato Institute, passed away today in Washington at 78.

Niskanen served 23 years as chairman of Cato’s board of directors, stepping down in 2008. Prior to joining Cato, he served as a member and acting chairman of President Ronald Reagan’s Council of Economic Advisers.

“Bill Niskanen was a world-renowned economist and a passionate leader of the growing classical liberal movement around the globe,” said Cato founder and president Edward H. Crane. “More importantly, he was a man of unshakeable integrity. His influence on and importance to the Cato Institute cannot be overstated. His passing is a terrible loss to the Institute and to the nation.”

Niskanen had a long and prominent career as an economist, including tenures as director of economics at the Ford Motor Company, professor of economics at the University of California at Berkeley and Los Angeles, assistant director of the federal Office of Management and Budget, a defense analyst at the Rand Corporation, the director of special studies in the Office of the Secretary of Defense, and the director of the Program Analysis division at the Institute of Defense Analysis.

Born March 13, 1933 in Bend, Ore., Niskanen graduated from Bend High School,and received his B.A. and Ph.D in economics from Harvard and the University of Chicago, respectively.

Many of Niskanen’s articles and essays are collected in two books, Policy Analysis and Public Choice and Reflections of a Political Economist: Selected Articles on Government Policies and Political Processes.

More from Cato here and here, from Reason here.

According to the Atlantic Wire, The Super Committee Is Doomed:

With less than a month to go before the deadline to produce a debt deal, it appears that the Congressional deficit-reduction committee is nowhere close to a deal. Even worse, neither side can even get their rank-and-file members to back the current proposals.

Both Democrats and Republican leaked details of their current proposals and nobody seems very happy. Speaker of the House John Boehner called the Democrats plan a “non-starter” because it hinges on tax increases, which he still refuses to accept. The GOP plan promises $600 million in new tax revenue, that it assumes will come from awesomely obvious economic growth, an idea the Dems scoff at.

Democrats aren’t thrilled with their party’s offer either. Rep. Bill Pascrell of New Jersey says it has “absolutely no chance of being the law of the land” and he sees no path to a deal before the November 23 deadline.

Politico also outlines the procedural hurdles that must be overcome before then. The House only has eight work days scheduled in November, plus the Congressional Budget Office would have to score any final bargain before it can be voted on and signed by the President. That’s a lot of work to do before Thanksgiving.

The only remaining hope is that the automatic triggers — $1.2 trillion in cuts, mostly to defense, that kick in immediately if no deal is reached — are still so distasteful that both sides will bite their tongues and agree to something. Boehner says it’s “time to get serious” and swears he’s committed to a deal, but we’ve heard all that before. A near total unwillingness to compromise (and a certain indifference to artificial deadlines) is the reason we got the super committee in the first place.

Meanwhile in campaign-land, Timothy Carney notes that Obama’s supposed ban on contributions from lobbyists isn’t so much in effect:

President Obama doesn’t take campaign contributions from lobbyists — unless you count the owners and CEOs of lobbying firms, corporate vice presidents for government relations, or managing directors for public policy.

“We don’t accept any money from special-interest groups or Washington lobbyists,” the Obama campaign bragged in a recent email touting the $70 million raised last quarter by the campaign and the Democratic National Committee. But if you comb through the actual filings with the Federal Elections Commission, you see how misleading this claim is.

Wealthy revolving-door banker Peter Orszag epitomizes everything Obama ran against. Orszag was Obama’s budget director until the 2010 elections at which point he cashed out to bailed-out megabank Citigroup. A Citi executive touted Orszag’s “key … government experience” and “his expertise in economic policy.” In other words, Orzag has monetized his public service and sold it to Citi, which, like all big banks, counts on favorable government policy for its profits.

Apparently feeling fairly plush after nine months at a Wall Street salary, Orszag cut a $35,800 checklast month to the Obama Victory Fund, a joint fundraising committee that divides its funds between the official Obama campaign and the Democratic National Committee. To sum up: Orszag gained inside knowledge and connections on the taxpayer dime, put them to work for a big bank, then used his salary from this bailed-out bank to give the maximum contribution to the man who hired him in the White House.

Read the full column here.

Today’s video is a bit long, but quite entertaining. Peter Schiff, a member of the 1%, sought a conversation recently with the Occupy Wall Street folks (click here to view in YouTube):

New Mexico

You should definitely check out Dan Foley’s latest contribution to NMPolitics.net arguing that The Occupy Wall Street Folks Need to Focus:

Let me start out by saying I agree with the Occupy Wall Street folks if they are against government bailouts. I also believe it is not the government’s role to pick winners and losers in businesses, so once again we are on common ground. But as I drive by the folks on the streets in Albuquerque and look at the signs the people are holding up around the country I am shocked to see their anger is pointed only at Wall Street and the business folks.

Why is it they are not equally as angry at the folks in Washington who got us to this point? Why aren’t they asking President Barack Obama to give back the money he received from the very industry that led us to this point? Why aren’t they angry that entities like Fannie and Freddie where giving big dollars to Democrats who were fighting the tough regulations being championed by President Bush and other Republicans?

How come they are not angry at people like Representative Barney Frank, who, while involved in a relationship with a high-ranking Fannie Mae executive, was fighting any increase in regulation of a GSE (government-sponsored enterprise)? The simple fact that President Bush tried, at least 17 times, to get Congress to strengthen the regulations governing these entities was answered by party-line votes from Democrats in Washington, but this seems to go unnoticed.

I will say the Republicans got this wrong as well. These entities didn’t need tougher regulations, they needed to be shut down, and the government should have left the mortgage business totally. The fact is the government was in the very business it would not allow the private sector to enter into. The bank regulators would never have allowed banks to loan money for the very types of loans the government felt the need to guarantee.

Also worth checking out Haussamen’s latest update on Judge Murphy, including an apology.

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Local Event Alerts:

Nov. 8, 11am-1:30pm at UNM, “Conservatism and the U.S. Constitution: Antidote to Tyranny” more info here.

Nov. 10, 1pm, Presentation by Robert Bradley, Jr., on his book Edison to Enron more info here.

National

Walter Williams’ latest column is a great look at the Occupy Wall Street movement:

The Occupy Wall Street demonstrators are demanding “people before profits” — as if profit motivation were the source of mankind’s troubles — when it’s often the absence of profit motivation that’s the true villain.

First, let’s get both the definition and magnitude of profits out of the way. Profits represent the residual claim earned by entrepreneurs. They’re what are left after other production costs — such as wages, rent and interest — have been paid. Profits are the payment for risk taking, innovation and decision-making. As such, they are a cost of business just as are wages, rent and interest. If those payments are not made, labor, land and capital will not offer their services. Similarly, if profit is not paid, entrepreneurs won’t offer theirs. Historically, corporate profits range between 5 and 8 cents of each dollar, and wages range between 50 and 60 cents of each dollar.

Far more important than simple statistics about the magnitude of profits is the role played by profits, namely that of forcing producers to cater to the wants and desires of the common man. When’s the last time we’ve heard widespread complaints about our clothing stores, supermarkets, computer stores or appliance stores? We are far likelier to hear people complaining about services they receive from the post office, motor vehicle and police departments, boards of education and other government agencies. The fundamental difference between the areas of general satisfaction and dissatisfaction is the pursuit of profits is present in one and not the other.

The pursuit of profits forces producers to be attentive to the will of their customers, simply because the customer of, say, a supermarket can fire it on the spot by taking his business elsewhere. If a state motor vehicle department or post office provides unsatisfactory services, it’s not so easy for dissatisfied customers to take action against it. If a private business had as many dissatisfied customers as our government schools have, it would have long ago been out of business.

Read the full column here. The Week has a great compilation of the Occupy Wall Street demographics, summarized here by Reason:

  • 64 percent of those in the Occupy Wall Street movement who are under the age of 35, according to a survey of 1,619 people that visited OccupyWallSt.org. The survey was conducted by Baruch College professor Hector R. Cordero-Guzman and business analyst Harrison Schultz.
  • 20 percent over the age of 45, according to the same survey
  • 26.7 percent who are enrolled in school
  • More than $75,000 annual salary that 13 percent of the survey-takers take home, according to Cordero-Guzman and Schultz.
  • More than $150,000 annual salary reported by nearly 2 percent of the survey-takers ($343,927 adjusted gross income needed to be in the “extolled and excoriated 1 percent of richest Americans”)
  • 15 percent of the demonstrators who are unemployed, according to a different survey, this one conducted by veteran pollster Douglas Schoen via in-person interviews with 198 people at Manhattan’s Zuccotti Park
  • 18 percent of demonstrators who call themselves “part-time employed/underemployed.”
  • 53 percent of demonstrators who say they have previously participated in a political movement, according to Schoen’s survey
  • 98 percent who say they would support civil disobedience to achieve their aims
  • 31 percent who say they would support violence
  • 8 percent who say they are unsure of what they would like to see the movement accomplish
  • 44 percent who say they want to “influence the Democratic Party the way the Tea Party has influenced the GOP”
  • 32 percent who consider themselves Democrats; nearly the same amount (33 percent) say they don’t affiliate themselves with any political party.
  • 56 percent of demonstrators who say they voted in 2008
  • 74 percent of those who voted that say they cast a ballot for Obama in 2008
  • 51 percent of demonstrators who now say they now disapprove of Obama
  • At least 25 percent who says they will not vote in 2012

More details here by the Week.

Yesterday’s Political Diary notes the current administration’s big legal gamble (or the latest one, anyway) related to ObamaCare:

Cert petitions asking the Supreme Court to hear the various constitutional challenges to the Affordable Care Act could be distributed to chambers for consideration as early as this week. If they are, we’ll know by mid-November if and when the justices will rule on the individual mandate. In the meantime, though, let’s note the extremely big bet that the Justice Department — and presumably, the White House — is making.

At issue is the legal principle known as severability: Laws usually contain clauses holding that if one provision is invalidated on constitutional grounds, the rest stands. But ObamaCare doesn’t contain such a provision, either because it was forgotten in the rush to pass the bill or perhaps in the liberal overconfidence that the constitutional critics were cranks.

For this reason, when a Florida court rejected the individual mandate in February, it also struck down the entire statute. Other courts have found legal arguments for invalidating the mandate while preserving the rest (while of course others have found the whole thing constitutional).

In a brief filed late last week, Justice argues that the individual mandate is not severable from the Affordable Care Act’s core insurance regulation and subsidy scheme. In other words, the mandate is so important that the rest of the law may need to be erased if it goes overboard.

The safer legal strategy would have been to hedge on severability in the event the court overturns the mandate, since ObamaCare could never pass again in anything like its current form. But Justice’s all-in gambit may be to raise the stakes — daring the court not merely to overturn one unpopular provision but to quash President Obama’s major policy achievement and open itself to politicalblowback a la Citizens United. The Justice Department may think that will encourage the justices to be more careful, but such a risk may turn out to be a huge legal error in retrospect.

Good read at the WSJ today in The Flat-Tax Sweepstakes:

Rick Perry joined the GOP’s tax reform sweepstakes on Tuesday, proposing an optional flat income tax of 20%, among other fiscal and economic reforms. We’ll get to the details, but the larger story is how the drive for a flatter, simpler, more pro-growth tax code is taking center stage in the Republican Presidential contest.

Mr. Perry joins Newt Gingrich, who has proposed a 15% optional flat tax; Jon Huntsman, whose reform proposal would cut the top individual rate to 23%; and Herman Cain and his now famous 9-9-9 plan. House Republicans included a reform with a 25% top rate in their budget earlier this year. All of this ferment shows that whatever one thinks of the candidates as potential Presidents, most of them are trying to meet the political moment with reforms to address our major economic challenges.

Speaking of candidates, Jacob Sullum notes the “reckless disregard” candidates Rick Perry and Newt Gingrich have for the importance of judicial review:

Although Gingrich’s plan for confronting the judiciary is especially aggressive, it reflects familiar conservative complaints about “activist judges who tell us what is right and wrong and deny us the right to live as we see fit,” as Texas Gov. Rick Perry, another Republican presidential contender, puts it in his 2010 book Fed Up! Critics like Gingrich and Perry recklessly disregard the importance of court-enforced constitutional limits, seeking to undermine judicial review in ways they themselves would come to regret.

Gingrich and Perry surely are right that judges can be wrong. It is difficult, for example, to reconcile the original understanding of the Constitution with the Supreme Court’s decisions concerning abortion and the separation of church and state.

* * *

ingrich and Perry, like many conservatives, expect the federal courts to enforce constitutional restrictions on legislative power. But how well can they do that job if, as Gingrich recommends, Congress responds by defunding them or simply by declaring its legislative acts unreviewable? How strong a bulwark of liberty will the judicial branch be if, as Perry suggests, a two-thirds majority of Congress can override the Supreme Court’s decisions?

Despite all the dire warnings about judicial activism, the Court’s recent record suggests it does not have much strength to spare. According to an Institute for Justice report released last month, the Court struck down just 0.65 percent of federal laws and just 0.045 percent of state laws enacted between 1954 and 2002. “We suffer not from rampant judicial activism,” authors Clark Neily and Dick M. Carpenter conclude, “but rather from too little judicial engagement.”

Which leads into today’s video, a lengthy one you should check out over lunch. Institute for Justice attorney and founder of the Center for Judicial Engagement Clark Neily recently debated Ed Whelan, President of the Ethics and Public Policy Center and National Review Online contributor, on the issue of judicial engagement versus judicial activism. This is a must-watch for anyone who has an interest in the role of the judiciary (hint: that should be ALL PubliusNM readers) (click here to view in YouTube):

New Mexico

Paul Gessing at Errors of Enchantment notes an opportunity to bring “Sick and Sicker” the movie to New Mexico:

ObamaCare continues to be a dead weight holding the economy back. Worse, if it is not overturned, it will cause major, negative changes for America’s health care system. Rather than merely predicting how Americans will be hurt by increased government involvement in their health care, film maker Logan Darrow Clements went to Canada to see how their health care system works (or fails to work) for himself. The result was the film “Sick and Sicker.”

The Rio Grande Foundation is working to bring this informative movie to Albuquerque (and eventually other parts of the state). If you want to help us out, go to this page and pledge to purchase a few DVD’s. If we hit $700, we’ll show the movie in Albuquerque this fall. If we don’t hit $700, you won’t pay a dime. Thank you in advance for your support!

Apparently the Las Cruces Mayoral race is a hot one with a fair amount of coverage at NMPolitics.net for those interested.

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National

The Occupy Wall Street movement is still making news and today’s WSJ has some interesting info on polling results from the protesters:

The protesters have a distinct ideology and are bound by a deep commitment to radical left-wing policies. On Oct. 10 and 11, Arielle Alter Confino, a senior researcher at my polling firm, interviewed nearly 200 protesters in New York’s Zuccotti Park. Our findings probably represent the first systematic random sample of Occupy Wall Street opinion.

Our research shows clearly that the movement doesn’t represent unemployed America and is not ideologically diverse. Rather, it comprises an unrepresentative segment of the electorate that believes in radical redistribution of wealth, civil disobedience and, in some instances, violence. Half (52%) have participated in a political movement before, virtually all (98%) say they would support civil disobedience to achieve their goals, and nearly one-third (31%) would support violence to advance their agenda.

The vast majority of demonstrators are actually employed, and the proportion of protesters unemployed (15%) is within single digits of the national unemployment rate (9.1%).

Read the whole article here. Speaking of ideology, here’s an interesting concept: Federalists in Name Only or FINO Republicans. More from Randy Barnett:

Over the summer I criticized a House Republican medical malpractice reform as “fair-weather federalism” in this op-ed in the Washington Examiner: Tort reform and the GOP’s fair-weather federalism.  Now Senate Republicans are emulating their colleagues in the House by including medical malpractice reform as part of their new “jobs” bill.   On today’s NRO, attorney Carrie Severino, who has authored several excellent amicus briefs on behalf of Senate and House leadership in the challenges to the Affordable Care Act, has a column criticizing this proposal: Senate GOP Jobs Bill Contains a Landmine for Federalism.

The law’s own justification for its constitutional authority should be chilling to anyone committed to limited federal power. The bill’s findings state that health care and health insurance are industries that “affect interstate commerce,” and conclude that Congress therefore has Commerce Clause power to regulate them — even when it involves an in-state transaction between a doctor and patient, governed by in-state medical malpractice laws. Is there any industry that couldn’t be found to have an effect on interstate commerce?

But that is not even the worst part of the constitutional justification included in the bill.   Consider this statement of Congressional power:

EFFECT ON INTERSTATE COMMERCE– Congress finds that the health care and insurance industries are industries affecting interstate commerce and the health care liability litigation systems existing throughout the United States are activities that affect interstate commerce by contributing to the high costs of health care and premiums for health care liability insurance purchased by health care system providers.

Yes, you read that right.  Senate Republicans are claiming that Congress has power over the judiciary of the states because state courts are an activity that “affect[s] commerce.”

Reason Magazine solicited free market ideas for reducing unemployment, as described in Get a Job! from the November issue. Here is Peter Schiff’s suggestion:

Liberate Labor

Peter Schiff

To make the greatest impact on persistent unemployment, the government should pursue policies that allow the free market to set wages, benefits, and all issues related to employment. Just as employees are allowed to leave jobs for whatever reason, employers should be allowed to hire and fire based on any criteria without fear of litigation. In other words, liability cost for hiring employees should be minimized. Employees become easier to hire once employers know that their downside risks are minimized. In addition, all protective labor laws, including minimum wage laws, should be repealed.

Employment is a voluntary relationship between two parties. Our laws should reflect and support that concept to the highest extent possible. Employees do not qualify for special privileges (inappropriately labeled worker’s rights) simply because they accept a job, and employers do not lose their rights and become subjected to special obligations just because they hire. The playing field should be level.

Peter Schiff is the CEO of Euro Pacific Capital and the author of How an Economy Grows and Why It Crashes (Wiley).

Read the full thing here.

Both Reason and the Volokh Conspiracy highlight some interesting new Gallup numbers: public support for marijuana legalization is now hitting 50% or more. As Ilya Somin points out:

new Gallup poll shows that public support for legalizing the possession of marijuana has now hit a record-high 50%, up from 46% last year [HT: Tom Angell of Law Enforcement Against Prohibition]. Forty-six percent still oppose legalization. This continues a longstanding trend under which support for legalization has gradually but consistently risen from 12% in 1970 to today’s figure.

Moreover, the trend towards increasing public support for legalization is likely to continue. Like previous data, the new Gallup poll shows that support for legalization is higher the younger the respondents are. Some 62% of people age 18–29 support legalization, compared to 31% of those 65 and over. As I discussed in this post, this is mostly a generational effect, under which members of later generations are consistently more likely to support legalization than their elders. It is not a cohort effect, under which people support legalization when young but tend to change their minds as they age. Every age group in the Gallup survey is substantially more likely to support legalization than the one immediately older. Even the 50–64 group supports legalization at a 49% rate. Moreover, the longterm trend in aggregate opinion also reinforces the idea that we are witnessing a generation effect. If it was just a cohort effect, we should not see an increase in overall support for legalization over time. Indeed, opinion should have trended the other way, since the average age of the population is today considerably higher than in 1970.

Unfortunately, the new poll continues to show that self-described conservatives are among those least likely to support legalization (34%). I made the conservative case against the War on Drugs herehere, and here. Check out also William F. Buckley’s classic article on the subject. As he put it, “it is outrageous to live in a society whose laws tolerate sending young people to life in prison because they grew, or distributed, a dozen ounces of marijuana.”

 

Kelsey Grammer is a bit of a libertarian and Scott Adams of Dilbert fame is a bit of a federalist, according to Reason in this post, worth checking out.

Good Q&A on How to Fix Public Schools (click here to view in YouTube):

New Mexico

A couple articles worth checking out. First, stay up to date on the case against Judge Murphy with Heath Haussaman’s coverage here. Second, great pictures posted from yesterday’s Spaceport ceremony along with some helpful coverage here.

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Courtesy of Reason’s Friday Funnies.

National

John Stossel hits the nail on the head (as usual) with his latest plea to keep Washington out of the economy:

President Obama says government will have to build the nation out of the economic trough.

“We’re the country that built the intercontinental railroad,” Obama says. “So how can we now sit back and let China build the best railroads?”

Ironic that he mentions the Chinese. Progressives used to complain that to build the railroad, bosses abused Chinese workers—called them “coolies” and treated them badly. Now this is big success?

I guess Obama doesn’t know that the transcontinental railroad was a Solyndra-like Big Government scandal. The railroad didn’t make economic sense at the time, so the government subsidized construction and gave the companies huge quantities of the best land on the continent. As we should expect, without market discipline—profit and loss—contractors ripped off the taxpayers. After all, if you get paid by the amount of track you lay, you’ll lay more track than necessary.

Credit Mobilier, the first rail construction company, made enormous profits by overcharging for its work. To keep the subsidies flowing, it made big contributions to congressmen.

Where have we heard that recently?

Read his full piece on Government the Job Killer.

Interesting–and blood-boiling–piece over at Investors Business Daily on Obama’s world apology tour:

The obsessive need of this president to apologize for American exceptionalism and our defense of freedom continued recently when Barack Obama’s State Department (run by Hillary Clinton) contacted the family of al-Qaida propagandist and recruiter Samir Khan to “express its condolences” to his family.

Khan, a right-hand man to Anwar al-Awlaki, was killed along with Awlaki in an airstrike in Yemen on Sept. 30. We apologized for killing a terrorist before he could help kill any more of us.

It’s yet another part of the world apology tour that began with Obama taking the oath of office to protect and defend the United States and its Constitution against all enemies foreign and domestic, something he immediately felt sorry for.

One stop on his tour was Prague in August 2009. There he spoke of “America’s commitment to seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons,” ignoring that before 1945 we lived in such a world and it was neither peaceful nor secure.

Read more here. We’re a little behind on sharing it, but Brad Cates recently had a worthwhile read over at the Daily Caller on The Dangers of Imposing U.S. Law on Others:

The United States is increasing its efforts to impose its laws on sovereign countries and their citizens. These efforts will prove to be counterproductive and dangerous for both U.S. citizens and businesses.

Every sovereign country, but especially those in the democratic developed world, has a right to devise its own laws. This is the essence of sovereignty. Where international sovereign desires conflict or are silent, international law dictates that the conflict is resolved by convention or treaty, or by a mutual legal assistance treaty (MLAT).

Countries have different customs, beliefs, practices, and legal and legislative process. Actions that are legal, or illegal, in one country, or even one state, are not necessarily viewed the same elsewhere. Citizens of Little Rock may fly to Las Vegas to gamble, something prohibited in their city. Americans have been known to legally take a toke while in Amsterdam.

In the legal issues surrounding liberty department, Clark Neily of the Institute for Justice has an interesting series of guest-blogger posts up over at the Volokh Conspiracy detailing the issue of “judicial engagement” — an issue on which many conservatives and libertarians divide. Here is an excerpt of his Day 1 post:

he Institute for Justice coined the term “judicial engagement” (and created the Center for Judicial Engagement) out of our conviction that America has more government than the Constitution authorizes and that this is largely due to the failure of our courts to properly enforce constitutional limits on government power. In calling for judicial engagement, we are simply asking judges to actually judge the constitutionality of government action in all constitutional cases.

What does that entail?

In cases involving favored constitutional values like free speech and avoiding suspect classifications, judges determine the government’s actual objectives and then evaluate the “fit” between those objectives and the means chosen to advance them. And, as Judge Sykes recently explained in analogizing the Second Amendment right to keep and bear arms to the First Amendment right of free expression in Ezell v. City of Chicago, “the government must supply actual, reliable evidence to justify” its restrictions. 2011 U.S. App. LEXIS 14108, *62 (7th Cir. July 6, 2011).

While reasonable minds may differ about whether it is possible to identify the government’s “true” ends or determine whether there is an appropriate “fit” between ends and means, the fact remains that courts routinely assume both inquiries are not only possible but essential in protecting key constitutional values. Judicial engagement simply proposes that there should not be a category of cases in which courts totally abandon those inquiries — and the underlying jurisprudential convictions they reflect — as they often do.

* * *

Judicial engagement is not a call for judges to strike down laws willy-nilly. Rather, it is a call for judges to recognize the importance of constitutionally limited government and to maintain a basic level of analytical consistency. Judges should refuse to ignore evidence, invent facts, or accept implausible justifications in some constitutional settings that they would flatly — and correctly — reject in others.

A primary area of concern in the context of judicial engagement is the issue of economic liberty. IJ has historically litigated (extensively) on this issue and PubliusNM reader Mike Frese has his own Economic Liberty blog that is worth checking out and bookmarking.

We’ve neglected WSJ’s Political Diary recently, so here are some updates on the 2012 election and, in particular, of the most recent debate, courtesy of recent Diary posts:

Next year’s presidential race is shaping up to be a contest between pro-market advocates (Republicans) versus redistributionists (Democrats). Nowhere is this clearer than in the administration’s bid to position the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau as a key bulwark against evil banks and financiers.

For a glimpse of this message, see Deputy Senior Advisor and Assistant to the President Stephanie Cutter’s post on the White House blog last Thursday, where she characterized the CFPB as a “important new watchdog for consumers,” and tried to rebut Republican concerns about the agency’s unprecedented powers. The post was remarkable not just for Ms. Cutter’s enthusiasm, but for the fine line she walked between truth and outright fiction.

Ms. Cutter repeats, for instance, the Democratic mantra that the CFPB is an “independent” banking agency, and thus shouldn’t be subject to Congressional appropriations. What she doesn’t mention is that the CFPB isn’t a banking regulator with safety and soundness contraints, but rather a consumer agency akin to the Consumer Product Safety Commission. Nor did she mention the CFPB has few limitations on the disclosure of sensitive financial audits, as real banking regulators — the Federal Reserve and the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency — do. (In fact the CFPB has inked MOUs with State Attorneys General that has many bankers worried about politicized lawsuits.)

Ms. Cutter claims Congress has “ample oversight” of the CFPB through “hearings, reports and audits” and may “overturn any CFPB regulation through legislation.” This may be true, but it’s a far-fetched argument, given political realities. She also cites the Financial Stability Oversight Council as a key check on the CFPB, but fails to mention that the CFPB director has a vote in that body and that the rest of the chairs are filled by political appointees.

The rest of the post is worth reading, if only to see how a public-relations pro can argue her side. The CFPB was never meant to be a “consumer advocate,” but was structured as an unaccountable body that politicians could use to bring financial instituitions to heel when it was politically necessary. Some voters may think that’s good consumer protection; others may think it’s scary. But it’s worthy of a real–and honest–debate.

* * *

The scuttlebutt going into Tuesday’s debate was that Rick Perry could revitalize his campaign with a win or kill it with a loss. Most observers expected some fresh policy and a polished delivery. Mr. Perry instead

disappeared into the background. He neither defended his positions on immigration, vaccinations, or Social Security, nor made more than half-hearted efforts to dislodge Mitt Romney. He went silent for long stretches of time.

So why defy the conventional wisdom? It’s clear that Mr. Perry is in trouble. He’s dropped to third place (or worse) in Iowa, fallen to the low single-digits in New Hampshire polls, and, according to Public Policy Polling, has seen his favorables sink to 23%-57% nationally (Sarah Palin was at 32%-62% in August). Mitt Romney, meanwhile, is racking up big-name endorsements and debate wins.

The question is whether he could successfully wait it out. “Debates are not my strong suit,” he told to Politico — and he may have enough money to claw his way back to contention via a different route. If he could restore his brand through bottom-up campaigning, he might wait for Herman Cain to immolate, and then reemerge as the anti-Romney.

It would be risky. The political calendar is still in flux and comeback timing could be difficult with states jockeying to push up their primaries. Waiting for voters to become desperate usually isn’t the best way to win their forgiveness. If Mr. Perry still intends to dazzle on the big stage, next week’s debate in Nevada is most likely his last chance.

* * *

Some impressions from Tuesday night’s Republican presidential debate:

Herman Cain’s 9-9-9 plan isn’t built for the long campaign haul. As appealing as it is conceptually, and as bold as it may be (as Mr. Cain keeps saying), the plan’s new 9% national sales tax looks like a political poison pill. Michele Bachmann’s attack on it for creating a new “pipeline” for revenue for Washington was a direct hit, and Mr. Cain didn’t really have an adequate answer. Meanwhile, the journalist moderator’s line that it is a “regressive” tax is a harbinger of class war criticism to come. Mr. Cain has much to recommend him as a candidate, not least his commanding presence and likability, but in the national sales tax he has made that rare proposal that can be attacked from both left and right.

Mitt Romney keeps cruising along. He all but ignored Rick Perry, and everyone else on stage for that matter, focusing on President Obama and the economy. He is fortunate that the rest of the field continues to compete to be the main alternative coming out of Iowa, so they beat up on whoever else has risen in the polls. In previous debates it was Mr. Perry, and this week it was Mr. Cain and his 9-9-9 plan. No one has made a sustained attack on Mr. Romney’s Massachusetts record. Perhaps this is also because the candidates fear Mr. Romney’s strength as a debater. So far Mr. Romney has dispatched Tim Pawlenty and Mr. Perry when they sought to go after him, and no one else has really tried.

Newt Gingrich made the best attempt at exposing Mr. Romney’s main weakness as a candidate — his lack of core principles — and he succeeded in part. His query about Mr. Romney’s proposal for a cut in capital gains taxes only for those who make less than $200,000 sent the former Massachusetts governor into his own class-war mode. “I’m not worried about rich people. They are doing just fine,” he said. He then went into a paean to the middle class, which polls well and is why all Democrats since Bill Clinton have used similar language. It’s too bad Mr. Gingrich didn’t have a chance to follow up, because the answer exposed that Mr. Romney has an aversion to lowering tax rates on anyone Democrats call “rich.”

Mr. Perry seemed oddly subdued and diminished. He benefitted from no longer being the center of attacks from other candidates, but he still seemed unable to defend his Texas record on health care, much less sustain an argument against Mr. Romney. The Texas governor has the money to stay in the race and make a paid-media assault on Mr. Romney’s record. But while those ads may hurt Mr. Romney, they won’t help Mr. Perry if he doesn’t look capable and presidential.

* * *

HANOVER, N.H. — Mitt Romney walked off with Tuesday night’s debate here by default — if only because the candidates auditioning for the race’s anyone-but-Romney slot did not, well, make the anyone-but-Romney case. His competitors rarely challenged his record, credibility or message, and when they did, failed to land the punch.

Rick Perry was the only one who went after the former governor’s Massachusetts health-care record, but as usual was hazy on the specifics — despite the fact that his campaign released a commercial attacking Mr. Romney’s credibility. There was some sparring about the difference between “waiving” and “repealing” national health care, but little substance. Other attacks — such as on his income tax cap on capital-gains exemptions — saw no follow-through.

In the post-debate “spin room,” Herman Cain, acting as his own surrogate, said that he was different than Mr. Romney because “He’s a Wall Street executive and I’m a Main Street executive. . . . I’ve actually made hamburgers and pizzas,” he said, though anyone asking for something beyond biography brought him back to his 9-9-9 tax reform.

Michele Bachmann spokesman Alice Stewart called Mr. Romney’s health plan “the seed that grew into ObamaCare” and ought to be a “big liability” for the GOP nominee. Does she think it is disqualifying for the nominee? Merely “a hindrance.”

I tried to find out what the Perry campaign’s Romney strategy was, though its campaign surrogate’s relationship to the campaign was unclear. He alternatively identified himself as a “senior advisor,” “senior New Hampshire advisor” or “New Hampshire senior advisor.”

The larger danger of this vacuum for the GOP is that Mr. Romney enters the general election untested. As for the other candidates, there won’t be a not-Romney candidate if they’re unwilling to challenge Mr. Romney. As for Mr. Romney, senior advisor Eric Fernstrom said that his boss “hardly needs any preparation at all on the economy” before the debates. He was underlining the Romney campaign themes of private-sector economic expertise, but no wonder.

* * *

His campaign floundering, former House Speaker Newt Gingrich upped the wattage in last night’s New Hampshire debate, lashing out at Republicans, Democrats, the media, the Federal Reserve and anything else that moved — and not restricted to that order. The “outsider” approach earned Mr. Gingrich the night’s biggest applause lines, though to what end is unclear.

Mr. Gingrich has been increasing his volume with each successive debate, and last night was his loudest yet. Responding to a question about whether Wall Street bankers should go to jail, he shot back: “if you want to put people in jail, you ought to start with Barney Frank and Chris Dodd” — two Democrats who had close ties to mortgage lenders and who authored the recent financial overregulation bill. He called for a pink slip for Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, who “spent hundreds of billions of dollars in secret bailing out business,” and suggested Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner ought to join Mr. Bernanke in unemployment. He then teed up his favorite piñata, the “news media,”for failing to demand “transparency” in the Fed.

House Republicans once again came in for a roasting by Mr. Gingrich, for agreeing to a deal with President Obama to raise the debt limit — although he didn’t explain what he’d have done instead. He took it to Mitt Romney for that part of the leading candidate’s economic plan that would restrict a capital gains tax cut to those Americans earning less than $250,000, which Mr. Gingrich labeled as Obama-like populism that would “divide” the nation. On the topic of Mr. Obama, he lumped the president with Jimmy Carter, spouting a “bleak” view of America in his continual “apologia disguised as press conferences.”

Since the summer defection of much of his campaign staff, Mr. Gingrich has been largely charting his own course, doggedly presenting himself as the wise and consummate outsider, willing to criticize Republicans and Obama alike. Voters are nonetheless having a tough time forgetting Gingrich the 1990s Politician, especially when he unveils (as he recently did) a “new” Contract with America. And for all the hoots and applause Mr. Gingrich’s witty put-downs earn him, voters seem more interested in those candidates willing to outline reforms, something Mr. Gingrich has largely given up attempting to do in debates. This may explain why the former Speaker continues to struggle with fundraising, and has shown no signs of breaking out in the polls. He’ll need something far more radical than punch lines to break the latest Romney-Perry-Cain narrative.

For any of you still wondering who to get behind, you might consider taking Reason’s recent political “dating game” quiz designed to “match” you with your ideal candidate:

Not sure who to commit to in the Republican primary race? Let Reason help you out.

Picking a presidential candidate is like sorting through online dating profiles—nobody’s quite right, but once a meet-cute is out of the question, the best you can hope for is to pick a mate out of a self-selected digital lineup.

Thus our handy candidate profiles and dating quiz. We’ve got the candidates’ horoscopes, their nick-names, and catalog of flip-flops. (Here’s looking at you, Newt Gingrich and Mitt Romney.) Is Rick Perry the real deal when it comes to small government? We can tell you. What are Herman Cain’s hang-ups? We’ve got those too.

Take our quiz to help select your ideal whatever-in-chief, or just prowl through the offerings by checking out our profiles of all the GOP wannabes.

The profiles of GOP wannabes courtesy of Reason are available here, and read Daniel Heninger’s review of The Unsinkable Mitt Romney at the WSJ here.

Reason’s coverage of the Occupy Wall Street movement has been great, so I’ll first direct you to the page with links to all the great articles. In particular, David Harsanyi’s Occupy Wall Street: A Manifesto is a must-read:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men, women, and transgendered—and any other human who is able to elude the tyranny of work for a couple of weeks—are created equal. We gather to be free not of tyranny, but of responsibility and college tuitions. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that a government long established and a nation long prosperous be changed for light and transient causes. So let our demands* be submitted to a candid world.

First, we are imbued with as many inalienable rights as a few thousand college kids and a gaggle of borderline celebrities can concoct, among them a guaranteed living wage income regardless of employment and immediate across-the-board debt forgiveness—even if that debt was acquired taking on a mortgage with a 4.1 percent interest rate and no money down, which, we admit, is a pretty sweet deal in historical context…

…but down with the modern gilded age!

We demand that a Master of Fine Arts in musical theater writing, with a minor in German, become an immutable human right, because education is crucial and rich people can afford to fund unemployment checks until we find jobs or in perpetuity, whichever comes first.

Speaking of Occupy Wall Street, Remy has another video out (click here to view in YouTube):

New Mexico

At the end of last week our state GOP filed suit challenging state limits on campaign contributions. Heath Haussamen has the story here:

The lawsuit seeks to void the $5,000 limits placed on donations to political parties, from national parties to state parties, from state parties to county parties, from parties to candidates or candidates’ political action committees, and on contributions made for the purpose of forming independent expenditures. It doesn’t challenge limits on the size of donations individuals can make to candidates.

“Today we filed a lawsuit to protect New Mexicans’ right to freedom of speech,” state GOP Executive Director Bryan Watkins said in a news release. “We are confident that we will be successful in this case, as cases from around the country have found in favor of protection of freedom of speech, including a recent U.S. Supreme Court decision.”

Read the lawsuit here.

Also in the legal / political crossover news locally, redistricting has gone to the courts following Gov. Martinez’s veto. Multiple suits have been filed so the ultimate decision appears headed for our Supreme Court.

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EVENT NOTICE: Registration closes TONIGHT for the Born to Run 5K / 1 mile race sponsored by Right to Life of New Mexico. For more information, visit this page.

National

Interesting column by David Brooks from Monday noting that Obama Rejects Obamaism:

I liked Obama’s payroll tax cut ideas and urged Republicans to play along. But of course I’m a sap. When the president unveiled the second half of his stimulus it became clear that this package has nothing to do with helping people right away or averting a double dip. This is a campaign marker, not a jobs bill.

It recycles ideas that couldn’t get passed even when Democrats controlled Congress. In his remarks Monday the president didn’t try to win Republicans to even some parts of his measures. He repeated the populist cries that fire up liberals but are designed to enrage moderates and conservatives.

He claimed we can afford future Medicare costs if we raise taxes on the rich. He repeated the old half-truth about millionaires not paying as much in taxes as their secretaries. (In reality, the top 10 percent of earners pay nearly 70 percent of all income taxes, according to the I.R.S. People in the richest 1 percent pay 31 percent of their income to the federal government while the average worker pays less than 14 percent, according to the Congressional Budget Office.)

This wasn’t a speech to get something done. This was the sort of speech that sounded better when Ted Kennedy was delivering it. The result is that we will get neither short-term stimulus nor long-term debt reduction anytime soon, and I’m a sap for thinking it was possible.

General Motors and the United Auto Workers union reached an agreement and Shikha Dalmia has a great post-agreement column on big labor:

The Detroit Free Press’ Sunday front page was a rich display of irony. It featured two stories, one celebrating the quadrennial contract deal that GM and the United Auto Workers had reached, declaring that the “Deal Is a Victory for All.” And the other reported: “Right-to-Work Debate Fires Up in State.” That about sums up the state of the labor movement nationwide: Still a player, but no longer sacrosanct.

* * *

Grand Valley State University economist Hari Singh found that if Michigan had been a right-to-work state, the auto industry would have seen a 25 percent gain in jobs since 1965. Instead, it lost 56.6 percent just between 2002 and 2009, shrinking its work force by 165,777. In a functioning market, high unemployment would lead to lower wages. But in Michigan’s auto industry, Singh found, wages actually rose 18.1 percent during that time.

Unions congratulate themselves for protecting workers’ wages, but they have imposed a heavy price on everyone else. Not a single foreign automaker has ever taken advantage of Michigan’s legions of out-of-work but highly trained employees, preferring to train novices in right-to-work states.

The upshot is that the economies of these states grew on average 18.1 percent between 2001 and 2006, according to Paul Kersey of the Mackinac Center for Public Policy. Michigan’s? It grew too — a grand total of 3.4 percent over the same five years.

Read more here. Speaking of our economy, check out David Harsanyi’s latest column, Let’s Eat the Rich:

Some wiseguys at the Economic Freedom Network just released a survey alleging that the United States has fallen from the sixth-freest economy in the world to the 10th-freest. The survey is based on four foundations of a healthy capitalist society: “personal choice, voluntary exchange coordinated by markets, freedom to enter and compete in markets, and protection of persons and their property from aggression by others.”

Or what progressives might call greed, racism, unfairness, and immorality.

Certainly, this decline is no surprise. After imagined outbreaks of “unfettered” capitalism, these tenets have been on the outs around these parts. Technocrats want to coordinate markets and choices. And “having” is now the same as “taking.” Hey, and the government has been monumentally irresponsible with that “budgeting” deal for a few decades, so it’s time to hold someone responsible. Why not the rich?

When President Barack Obama unveiled his new un-passable “deficit reduction plan,” many accused him of playing class envy. The plan ostensibly calls for $1 in budget cuts (cuts that would never happen) for every $1 in tax increases ($1.5 trillion). And if we’re not willing to ask more from the rich, says the president, “then the logic—the math—says everybody else has to do a whole lot more; we’ve got to put the entire burden on the middle class and the poor.”

Here’s a disturbing story:

The city of San Juan Capistrano, California is laying heavy fines on a local couple for hosting semi-regular bible readings in their home. From the Los Angeles CBS affiliate:

Homeowners Chuck and Stephanie Fromm, of San Juan Capistrano, were fined $300 earlier this month for holding what city officials called “a regular gathering of more than three people”.

That type of meeting would require a conditional use permit as defined by the city, according to Pacific Justice Institute (PJI), the couple’s legal representation.

The Fromms also reportedly face subsequent fines of $500 per meeting for any further “religious gatherings” in their home, according to PJI…

After city officials rejected the Fromms’ appeal, PJI, which represents other Bible study participants, will appeal the decision to the California Superior Court in Orange County…

Neighbors have written letters to the city in support of the Fromms, whom they said have not caused any disturbances with the meetings, according to PJI.

The city attorney says the meetings have attracted “up to 50 people.” He claims the meetings are held Sunday mornings and Thursday afternoons, which would mean gross revenue of $1,000 a week for a city where the utilities agencies alone run at a deficit more than a third the size of their total budget, and whose finances are being subject to lengthy and expensive audits.

One of the big stories yesterday was the execution of Troy Davis in Georgia, who was convicted of killing a police officer in 1991 primarily on the basis of eyewitness testimony, and despite subsequent recanting by a number of those witnesses. The WSJ Law Blog has a useful recap:

The level of interest that the case generated was striking — political figures, celebrities, and anti-death penalty opponents worldwide rallied to Davis’s defense, pleading in recent days for Georgia to spare his life.

* * *

Davis was convicted for killing police officer Mark Allen MacPhail in 1989. The conviction rested largely on eyewitness testimony, and many of the witnesses later recanted or altered their testimony.

Davis vigorously maintained his innocence up until the time he was executed.

The jury in Davis’s murder trial was aware that some of the eyewitness accounts of the murder were shaky, as noted in this detailed AP account of the case. And many, many judges reviewed the case but declined to overturn the conviction.

The level of interest in the case seems to owe in part to the skill of Davis’s advocates in galvanizing broad based support.  Change.org, which bills itself as a platform for social change, released a statement yesterday noting that it had helped launch petition drives that had gathered hundreds of thousands of signatures from Davis supporters.

From WSJ’s Political Diary today, a few 2012 candidate updates:

For a man who says he’s not running for president, Chris Christie isn’t keeping a low profile. The New Jersey governor will give presidential tea-leaf readers another chance to speculate about his intentions when he delivers a speech next Tuesday at the Reagan Presidential library in Simi Valley, Calif.

Word is that Mr. Christie plans an expansive address on themes bigger than his battle to reform New Jersey’s budget and pensions. Trentonologists will be looking to see if he takes on the U.S. economic predicament or America’s role in the world. Mr. Christie knows he lacks foreign policy experience, but in recent months he’s sought meetings with various national security sages. One of those who attended such a dinner with the governor says he showed keen interest in filling his knowledge gap.

When I reported on Fox News Sunday that Mr. Christie was still considering a presidential run, the blogosphere erupted with familiar will-he-or-won’t-he analysis. One issue is whether Mr. Christie can enter so late and still win or at least do well in early states like Iowa and New Hampshire after other candidates have locked up endorsements and volunteers. I believe he could. Many Republicans are still looking for a candidate who combines conviction with the ability to beat President Obama. Mitt Romney looks electable but no one knows what he believes. Rick Perry projects conviction and leadership but has looked shaky in debates defending his views.

My guess is Mr. Christie would immediately join the front-runners in the polls, he’d be able to raise plenty of money, and his chances would then depend on whether his message meets the moment. Mr. Christie may decide for personal and political reasons not to run. But one of those reasons should not be his electoral prospects. The GOP nomination is eminently winnable, and on current economic trends so is the presidency.

* * *

Expect Rick Perry to bear the brunt of attacks again in tonight’s Republican presidential debate, as Mitt Romney and Michele Bachmann have shown no signs on the campaign trail of letting up on Social Security and vaccinations.

The Romney campaign believes Social Security can be a winning issue for the candidate, as it allows him to characterize Mr. Perry as unelectable. To that end, it released a detailed statement yesterday challenging the Texan’s implication that Social Security is unconstitutional, while alleging that the state-run system he seems to favor would be unworkable. “Governor Perry has the opportunity to clarify his proposal while he is in Florida — a state with an extraordinarily high number of retirees and near retirees,” the Romney campaign taunted.

Ms. Bachmann, meanwhile, has stuck to the issue she found success with in the last debate: Mr. Perry’s failed executive order mandating HPV vaccinations. Ms. Bachmann has since drawn blowback for suggesting that vaccinations produce mental retardation, but that hasn’t stopped her from repeating the HPV barb. If anything, she has sharpened her attacks. She now refers to Mr. Perry’s stance as “PerryCare,” a line she will likely reuse in the debate, and has tied Mr. Perry’s alleged “crony capitalism” to the ongoing Solyndra scandal.

Ms. Bachmann needs those attacks to hit home. She has dropped to just 5% in the latest Gallup poll, and while national surveys only mean so much, this one nonetheless reflects a sharp decline in enthusiasm for the Minnesota congresswoman.

Although Mr. Romney and Ms. Bachmann’s strategies seem clear, what remains to be seen is how well Mr. Perry punches back. So far, he has pointed out that Mr. Romney, despite his pledge to save Social Security, doesn’t really have a plan to do so. The Texan has also questioned Mr. Romney’s ideological core. “As he has so many times in the past, Mr. Romney seems to forget he’s a Republican,” the Perry campaign charged. Still, at some point Mr. Perry needs to offer a more specific vision for the entitlement program, and he might take at least a step in that direction in tonight’s debate. In regards to Ms. Bachmann, he needs to find a better counterattack than, “If you think I can be bought for $5,000, I’m offended.”

* * *

Going into tonight’s GOP presidential debate, new polling suggests that Texas Gov. Rick Perry needs to do a better job laying out his case for Social Security reform if he hopes to win the White House.

In between Mr. Perry’s first GOP debate — where he affirmed that Social Security is a “Ponzi scheme — and his second debate — where he reiterated that view but promised to preserve it for those in or near retirement — Bloomberg and PPP both surveyed the issue. Bloomberg offered the more optimistic take, showing that voters of all parties disagree with Mr. Perry’s characterization by a 50%-46% margin. Republicans approved, 65%-33%.

When asked if they agreed with the Ponzi scheme description (without mentioning Mr. Perry), voters in the PPP poll mostly disagreed, 70%-20%, with independents at a near-identical margin and Republicans disagreeing, 49%-39%. The difference between the two polls suggests that Mr. Perry’s credibility might be making the difference, something that should give his campaign hope.

On the other hand, the pollsters found Mr. Perry slipping considerably in a matchup with President Obama, with Democrats increasingly motivated to defend the president. “We know there are a lot of Democratic voters disenchanted with Obama right now,” the pollsters reasoned, “but if the GOP puts forward someone like Perry who’s willing to go after one of the Holy Grails of the party’s orthodoxy like Social Security it might scare those voters back into the fold.”

If those trends are to be believed, Mr. Perry needs to generate matching enthusiasm among his own troops. According to a Gallup poll conducted after the second debate, that isn’t happening yet. It found that 19% of Republicans were more likely to vote for the governor because of his stance on Social Security, with an equal 19% less likely to support him. Among independents those numbers fall to 12%-32%. It seems the Texan’s clarifications in the last debate didn’t change people’s minds enough. Perhaps he’ll do better in tonight’s debate.

Great video interview with Donald Luskin, author of “I Am John Galt: Today’s Heroic Innovators Building the World and the Villainous Parasites Destroying It” (click here to view in YouTube):

New Mexico

Heath Haussamen declares “Let’s get on with the redistricting court battle”:

Redistricting was destined to end up in court, so maybe the Legislature should adjourn sine die today and stop spending taxpayer money to try to complete this futile exercise

In these uber-partisan times, was there ever much doubt that most or all pieces of the redistricting task currently before the New Mexico Legislature would end up being decided in court?

Those who hoped for compromise between Democrats and Republicans have seen their hopes dashed in the last couple of days as negotiations have failed (some would say they didn’t really exist to begin with) and Democratic bills have passed on largely party-line votes.

* * *

I’m not this pessimistic most of the time. But in the case of redistricting, I’ve seen no reason to be optimistic that enough members of both parties would do the hard work it would take to find compromise. That would require putting other considerations above protecting their own power and their incumbents.

It’s the nature of partisan politics. Elected officials generally seek to preserve their own seats, even when it no longer makes sense. Groups with power seek to protect it. To top it all off, we’re living in one of the more partisan times in American history. This fight was destined to end in a stalemate.

And that’s exactly where we are.

So maybe, since the Legislature doesn’t seem willing to consider much else that the governor put on the call for this session, the House and Senate should adjourn sine die today and stop spending taxpayer money to try to complete this futile exercise.

We’re already going to spend millions in legal fees. Let’s get on with it.

Check out John Barela’s column touting the Hispanic Leadership Network’s conference this week on Rebuilding the American Drean:

In the past weeks, we have heard a lot from both the president and GOP presidential contenders on their views and proposals to put more Americans back to work and strengthen small businesses, which are the engine of economic growth in our country. Here, in New Mexico, we welcome the public debate about the best way to grow the economy and create jobs. Jumpstarting our financial recovery is the responsibility of all of us in public service, regardless of party affiliation.

This week, New Mexicans will have a unique opportunity to join in this national dialogue. Albuquerque will host the second policy conference of the newly formed Hispanic Leadership Network (HLN). The network held its inaugural conference this past January in Miami. The goal of HLN’s “Rebuilding the American Dream” southwest regional conference is to bring together elected officials and Hispanic grassroots leaders from across the country for a meaningful discussion about the policy issues affecting the Hispanic community.

This gathering could not have come at a better time. As the largest minority group both in our state and at the national level, Hispanics play a crucial role in the economic development of our country. As such, they must be part of the conversation that seeks solutions to the challenges we face. A recent poll conducted by HLN, in partnership with Resurgent Republic, reveals that 60 percent of New Mexico’s Hispanics believe our country is on the wrong track. Not surprisingly, their top two issues of concern are the economy and jobs.

The Hispanic unemployment rate is at a dismal 11.5 percent, compared to the national average of 9.1 percent. The situation is even more worrisome for our Hispanic youth. According to the U.S. Department of Labor, the unemployment rate for young Hispanics climbed a shocking 9 percent from May to June, reaching a whopping 35 percent.

Read more here.

Finally, a comment from Mike Frese on native son Gary Johnson:

Fans of Big J’s enterprise know that Gary has said that he’ll accept his pink slip in New Hampshire.  In the latest Suffolk University poll there, The Midnight Toker shows up as first choice of zero, zip, nada, none, that’s right, not one of the 400 pollees, and the second choice of two!  Wow, if the loon Ron Paul dropped out, only two of his fifty-six supporters would support Governor J!

But good news, Gary!  You’re going to be in the debate tonight.  Bet they ask you about legalization.  Also bet you’ll use up all the mental bandwidth focused on you explaining your take on that, after which no one will listen to anything else you say.  Also bet no one else on the stage will bother addressing your answer.

Yo, Gary, won’t you please come home.  You are embarrassing your advocates and amusing your detractors.

Also please, just say no to the dope question.  Or forever become one in the eyes of both your friends and your enemies.

Mike Frese
Agent Provocateur

What say you, PubliusNM readers? Is Frese spot on? Or is there perhaps some room for argument on the legalization question given the phenomenal and dismal failure that is this country’s War on Drugs? Weigh in today in the comment section!

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On Monday, September 19, the Federalist Society hosted an interesting panel discussion. From their description:

Google’s business practices are currently under review by the Federal Trade Commission, several state Attorneys General, and the European Commission. Competitors and critics assert that the Google search engine, and its search engine’s results, should be reviewed and potentially regulated by government authorities. Google and its supporters assert that it is merely trying to provide the best answers for consumers. In the fast moving technology space, what role — if any — should antitrust authorities play in policing search engine methodology and results? How should regulators respond to allegations of “unfairness?” Most recently, the government’s interest in Google has expanded to include questions about its proposed acquisition of Motorola — what is the proper governmental role here?

Featuring:
–Hon. Thomas O. Barnett, Partner, Covington & Burling LLP
–Prof. James Grimmelmann, New York Law School
–Hon. Charles F. “Rick” Rule, Partner, Cadwalader, Wickersham & Taft LLP
–Mr. Berin Szoka, President, TechFreedom
–Moderator: Hon. Ronald A. Cass, President, Cass & Associates, PC

The video is long, but business practice folks will find it worth the time (click here to view in YouTube):

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National

WSJ must read on The Buffett Alternative Tax:

Washington has repeated nearly every economic policy mistake of the 1930s in recent years, so why not repeat one of the bigger blunders of the 1960s too? We refer to President Obama’s proposal yesterday for a new “Buffett Rule” to raise taxes on Americans earning more than $1 million a year. This may sound familiar to readers of a certain age, because it is how the current, and much-hated, Alternative Minimum Tax was born.

Mr. Obama, meet Joe Barr. As LBJ’s last Treasury Secretary—he served only 30 days—Barr became famous for his January 1969 testimony before Congress that 21 millionaires had paid no income tax in 1967. No fewer than 115 tax returns reporting income above $200,000 had also paid no income tax, and Barr predicted a “taxpayer revolt” unless something was done about it.

Washington proceeded to bend tax policy to chase those 21 millionaires, and so we got the Minimum Tax of 1969 that later became the Alternative Minimum Tax. The AMT now hits some four million taxpayers, and 27% of households that paid it in 2008 had adjusted gross income of $200,000 or less.

Because it hits taxpayers with heavy deductions, the AMT wallops in particular the upper-middle-class suburbs in high-tax states like New Jersey, Connecticut, Illinois and California. Congress keeps passing an annual reprieve to prevent the AMT from hitting another 20 million or so taxpayers, most of whom are far from millionaires.

So here we are back at the same old political stand, though even Mr. Obama concedes that today those he routinely calls “millionaires and billionaires” pay at least some tax. The President’s complaint, echoing billionaire Warren Buffett, is that too many billionaires pay alower rate than regular salary earners. So even as he endorsed tax reform in general yesterday, Mr. Obama insisted that one of his reform “principles” is that people who make more than $1 million must pay a higher tax rate than middle-class earners.

There’s one small problem: The entire Buffett Rule premise is false, as the nearby table shows. In 2008, the last year for which such data are available, the IRS reports that those who made more than $1 million in adjusted gross income paid an average income tax rate of 23.3%.

Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) is a notoriously liberal organization, but it has released a list of names for the “most corrupt members of Congress” and that is an interesting group:

Ten of the members of Congress CREW lists as “most corrupt” are Republicans; just four are Democrats. CREW named Sen. David Vitter of Louisiana, and also attacked Reps. Charles Bass and Frank Guinta of New Hampshire, Vern Buchanan and David Rivera of Florida, Stephen Fincher of Tennessee, Michael Grimm of New York, Hal Rogers of Kentucky, Jean Schmidt of Ohio and Joe Walsh of Illinois.

CREW also marked Democratic Reps. Gregory Meeks of New York, Laura Richardson and Maxine Waters of California, and Nick Rahall of West Virginia for criticism.

Read more here.

Campaign finance laws generally infringe free speech rights in ways I find wholly unacceptable. IJ brings us another example:

In 2006, only a few days before a Spring election, Charles Hatchett discovered that a referendum concerning liquor sales was on the ballot in his town.  Afraid the referendum would pass because of lack of publicity he sent out 524 postcards advocating that people vote against it.  It worked—the referendum was defeated.

Unfortunately for Mr. Hatchett, he did not know that under Wisconsin campaign finance law he should have placed a disclaimer on the postcards and reported his spending if it was over $25.  His total came to about $300.

Once the postcards became public, police officers questioned him and his son about whether he had sent them out.  Imagine that—police interrogating an American citizen because he had had the audacity to exercise his freedom of speech.

Read more here.

The Prop 8 trial that took place in 2010 in California may soon be televised, according to SCOTUSblog:

The historic federal trial on the constitutionality of California’s ban on same-sex marriage — a trial that the Supreme Court would not allow to be broadcast as it happened — may soon be appearing on television and on the Internet.  A federal judge in San Francisco ruled Monday that a videotape recording made of the 13-day Proposition 8 trial early in 2010 must now be released, and thus available for public broadcast.  U.S. District Judge James Ware, however, put his release order on hold for 11 days to allow those challenging the release to appeal to the Ninth Circuit Court.

Great piece by Tim Cavanaugh based on an interview with Rep. Jeff Flake:

The Republican Party seems especially schizophrenic these days. Is it the big-government party of George W. Bush, a Tea Party–infused force for smaller government, or something else?

Rep. Jeff Flake (R-Ariz.), who has represented Arizona’s 6th Congressional District since 2001, is one indicator of how the party might look this decade. A former head of the free market Goldwater Institute, Flake has taken a pro-immigration, pro-trade, anti-spending, limited-government path that contrasts sharply with the GOP mainstream. But Flake has consistently won re-election with double-digit margins and is now within striking distance of the U.S. Senate.

Flake’s campaign against “earmarking,” or larding up bills with giveaways for legislators’ home districts, brought national attention to the issue and inspired some important rule changes. He has been a lonely voice in the House calling for an end to the U.S. ban on travel to Cuba. And in a state where officials are notorious for cracking down on both documented and undocumented immigrants, Flake has consistently argued for reducing obstacles to legal immigration and establishing more-effective guest worker programs.

Today’s video features investment advisor, author, and radio host Peter Schiff who says “the source of our misery is government, and the solution is free markets.” (click here to view in YouTube):

New Mexico

Rick Little proposes “A Commonsense Jobs Agenda for NM“:

To revitalize our economy and recover from recession, New Mexico must turn its full attention to competitiveness. Recruiting new businesses and helping the businesses that are already here expand will grow our economy. To become more competitive, grow our economy and empower job creation, the government needs to provide:

  • A stable tax structure that gives certainty to job creators.
  • Incentives for businesses to move to New Mexico.
  • A business-friendly regulatory climate – free from the bureaucratic red tape that prevents businesses from coming to, or expanding operations in, our state.

The solutions to increase competitiveness are simple, but they require us to show the fortitude to move a jobs agenda through the Legislature now. New Mexico families deserve to have the Legislature address as much as we possibly can. We were elected to do the people’s business, and there is plenty of work to be done if we roll up our sleeves and get to it.

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National

A federal district judge over in Pennsylvania struck down ObamaCare’s individual mandate yesterday, as explained by Ilya Somin:

Federal district Judge Christopher Connor of the Middle District of Pennsylvania just issued an opinion striking down Obama health care plan individual mandate. It is available here. Timothy Sandefur has some helpful commentary on the decision here. As Sandefur mentions, Connor’s opinion is unusual for striking down the mandate despite rejecting the view that upholding it would give Congress unlimited authority to enact other mandates. My own view is that upholding the mandate would indeed lead to an unconstrained slippery slope of this kind, as I explained here. On the important severability question, Connor argues that the preexisting conditions coverage requirement cannot be severed from the mandate, but that the rest of the bill can be.

We now have three district courts and one court of appeals that have voted to strike down the mandate, and three district courts and one court of appeals that have voted to uphold it. Of the twelve federal judges who have considered the question, six have gone one way and six the other, with ten of the twelve (including Judge Connor) splitting along partisan and ideological lines.

It is now more clear than ever that there is no expert consensus on this subject, and that this is not a frivolous case that only ignorant or misguided extremists could possibly support.

As anticipated, Elizabeth Warren of Harvard Law School (and formerly of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau) has announced her candidacy for U.S. Senate:

Elizabeth Warren, a Law Blog staple in her role as the former head of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, now goes by candidate Warren.

The Harvard law school professor today formally announced that she is running for the U.S. Senate seat now held by Massachusetts Republican Scott Brown. (Here’s a Boston Globe article, here’s a WSJ piece, and here’s a video from Warren announcing why she is running for office.)

The WSJ today notes we are coming up on The 2013 Tax Cliff:

President Obama unveiled part two of his American Jobs Act on Monday, and it turns out to be another permanent increase in taxes to pay for more spending and another temporary tax cut. No surprise there. What might surprise Americans, however, is how the President is setting up the U.S. economy for one of the biggest tax increases in history in 2013.

Mr. Obama said last week that he wants $240 billion in new tax incentives for workers and small business, but the catch is that all of these tax breaks would expire at the end of next year. To pay for all this, White House budget director Jack Lew also proposed $467 billion in new taxes that would begin a mere 16 months from now. The tax list includes limiting deductions for those earning more than $200,000 ($250,000 for couples), limiting tax breaks for oil and gas companies, and a tax increase on carried interest earned by private equity firms. These tax increases would not be temporary.

What this means is that millions of small-business owners had better enjoy the next 16 months, because come January 2013 they are going to get hit with a giant tax bill.

The WSJ’s Political Diary is a subscription-only email distributed five days per week with insider information and analysis. We often excerpt from the diary to provide a peek and today we’ll give you a gander at the full email — consider subscribing to receive the entire diary each day (it’s $7.95 per month) [Note: we do not have any kind of commission arrangement with Political Diary, we just like it]:

GOP Scores Upset in New York House Race

Republican Bob Turner soundly defeated Democrat David Weprin yesterday in a special election for the congressional seat of former Rep. Anthony Weiner, who resigned in June after sending lewd images over the Internet. With 84% of the precincts counted as of this morning, the Republican led 54% to 46%.

The loss is a huge embarrassment for Democrats, who have a 30-point registration advantage over Republicans in the district. The GOP and independent conservative groups largely stayed out of the election; they reasoned that it wasn’t worth throwing resources at a seat that may disappear in this year’s congressional redistricting. But the prospect of losing a seat in the Democratic stronghold of New York City — the district covers parts of Brooklyn and Queens — terrified liberals.

In the final days of the campaign, Democrats turned their machine into high gear. The House Majority PAC, a liberal outside group, released an ad on Friday that featured a man dressed as an American revolutionary. “In New York I have smelt the rat,” says the man. “Mr. Robert Turner seeks election to Congress praising tea party logic. But ’tis no tea party of mine. Mr. Turner would reduce the taxes on the wealthiest among thee, while making thy elders pay more for medicine.”

The United Federation of Teachers, Bill Clinton, Gov. Andrew Cuomo and Sen. Charles Schumer recorded robocalls for Mr. Weprin. According to Politico, about a thousand Democratic volunteers walked door to door yesterday highlighting the candidate’s endorsement by the New York Times. Mr. Weprin also visited several senior centers to warn that Mr. Turner wanted to kill Social Security and Medicare. But even a robust Democratic get-out-the-vote operation couldn’t mitigate voters’ dissatisfaction. Recent polls showed that frustration with President Obama and the economic recovery had turned voters — including a third of Democrats — against Mr. Weprin.

Democrats don’t want to believe that their economic policies had anything to do with the election result, nor that the race has broader implications for next year. “Special elections are always difficult — they are low-turnout, high-intensity races,” said Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee Chairman Steve Israel. “The results in NY-9 are not reflective of what will happen in November 2012 when Democratic challengers run against Republican incumbents who voted to end Medicare and cut Social Security while protecting tax loopholes for big corporations and the ultra wealthy.”

The reality is that Democrats just lost a seat that a Republican had not been elected to since 1920 and that Mr. Weiner won by nearly 30 points last year. They are worried about what this outcome means going into next year’s elections, and rightly so.

– Allysia Finley

Obama’s Tax Hike Surprise

House Republican leaders feel sucker-punched by the $467 billion tax hike that President Obama unveiled on Monday to pay for the White House jobs plan.

Over the weekend House Republicans were laying the groundwork for a possible deal with Mr. Obama on his proposal, but the well of compromise was poisoned when White House budget director Jack Lew dropped the half-trillion dollar tax-increase surprise.

Leadership aides told me that House Republicans could work with the small business tax cuts in the Obama plan but were skeptical of the spending, especially more unemployment insurance. GOP leaders are worried about Mr. Obama creating what one aide called “a 2013 tax cliff” when all the tax cuts go away.

“There won’t be a tax increase, I can assure you of that,” said Eric Cantor, the House majority leader. House Speaker John Boehner groused that the Obama tax hikes violate any sense of a “bipartisan spirit.” They complain that the White House knows full well that a tax hike is a deal killer.

Mr. Cantor and others in the House GOP caucus may move forward with their own jobs plan of investment incentives and cuts in business tax rates. They sound open to the payroll tax cut extension, in part out of fear that they would be blamed for raising taxes by as much as $1,000 on working families if the payroll tax cut expires at the end of the year.

The betting is still on a short-term tax cut compromise, but the tax increases on families with incomes above $250,000 a year, oil and gas companies, and investment funds are dead on arrival.

– Stephen Moore

The Solyndra Scandal Deepens

To the annals of extraordinary government spin, add Deputy Secretary of Energy Daniel Poneman, who just published a short defense of the Obama administration’s backing of Treasury’s 2009 $535 million loan guarantee to now-failed solar company Solyndra. “Winning will require substantial investments,” Mr. Poneman wrote. “Last year, for example, the China Development Bank offered more than $300 billion in financing to Chinese solar manufacturers.”

Set aside that if Beijing wants to use its own taxpayer cash to back solar investments, that’s an effective subsidy to U.S. consumers of solar panels, which is no bad thing. Mr. Poneman’s defense of the Solyndra investment also had the misfortune to land on the same day that the Washington Post revealed more evidence that the White House exerted political pressure on the Office of Management and Budget to approve the loan. In one email, a staffer complained about “rushed approvals” and a lack of sufficient time “to do our due diligence reviews,” in direct opposition to Mr. Poneman’s claims that the Solyndra deal was prudently vetted.

The administration is trying to play down the Solyndra scandal, with a White House spokesman telling the Post that the loan guarantee was “merit-based.” But that’s hard to square with the fact that the company never turned a profit and even outside auditors raised concerns. President Obama held up Solyndra as an example of how government-directed investment in “green jobs” can help stimulate the American economy. Instead it’s another example of how it mostly does just the opposite.

– Mary Kissel

ObamaCare’s Not a Jobs Killer. It’s Worse.

Republicans often claim that President Obama’s national health plan will destroy jobs, but that may not always be the case — at least if the Massachusetts experience is anything to go by.

In last week’s New England Journal of Medicine, the lead study surveys health-care employment before and after 2006, when former Gov. Mitt Romney created the Bay State model for ObamaCare. Dartmouth economist Douglas Staiger and his co-authors found that the health-care workforce per capita was growing at about 8% between 2001 and 2005, well in line with the national trend. It grew at 9.5% from 2005 to 2010, when the U.S. average was just 5.5%, according to Bureau of Labor Statistics data.

Diving deeper, Mr. Staiger et al. note that most of the difference is due to administrative hiring — “management, business and financial operations, and office and administrative support” — which grew 18.4% post-reform against 8% in the rest of the country. The authors call it “plausible that additional employees were required to manage the care of the new enrollees, process applications, file insurance claims, submit information to comply with regulatory requirements, and carry out other administrative functions.”

In other words, RomneyCare led to a surge in bureaucracy in a field that is already top-heavy, not a jobs increase among people who actually provide care to patients. The growth of the administrative state is occurring at the same time Massachusetts is experiencing acute provider shortages, in particular outside of metro Boston.

The authors conclude that the lesson for Mr. Obama’s version is that “reform may accelerate the trend toward health care’s being the dominant employment sector in the economy,” which is worrisome. Though there are exceptions, health care overall is among the economy’s least productive sectors, and to the extent “reform” diverts more resources from other areas, the economy will grow at a slower rate even as health-care jobs rise. The net effect could well be negative, too, as the depleted sectors hire less and their costs rise, which hopefully will be the next topic the New England Journal ponders.

– Joseph Rago

Another good Paul Ryan video on pro-growth tax reform ideas (click here to view in YouTube):

New Mexico

The Rio Grande Foundation today hosted a lunch today exploring why New Mexico is poor. Did you attend? If so, let us know what you thought in the comments.

Check out Errors of Enchantment for more local commentary.

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National

Before I get to the debate, I have to highly recommend you check out the latest from the Fact Checker titled Obama’s whopper of a claim on tax cuts:

The president’s Labor Day speech in Detroit featured an assertion that contained a number of warning signs that it might be an errant fact: “biggest middle-class tax cut in history.”

First of all, anytime a politician claims he or she has done something historic, watch your pockets. That’s usually a dubious claim.

Then, “biggest” can mean all sorts of things. If we are talking about dollars, then are they inflation-adjusted or measured against the overall economy? Raw dollar figures are essentially meaningless without that context.

Finally, the “middle-class” modifier. What’s the definition of “middle-class”? There are many ways one could slice and dice that classification.

Clearly the president wants to demonstrate he’s a tax-cutter. And certainly White House officials have been frustrated that the $116 billion Making Work Pay tax cut was largely unnoticed by Americans.

We decided to put the president’s claim to the test.

Read the full piece for results of the test. On to the debate (which I, admittedly, did not watch — so feel free to correct or update in the comments), which was apparently a fight between Romney and Perry with the moderators occasionally seeking to liven things up with random questions to Ron Paul. As Peter Suderman summarized it:

It wasn’t quite two-men-enter-one-man-leaves, but it sometimes felt like it. As the GOP field’s newest entrant and arguable front-runner, Perry duked it out, going gov-o-a-gov-o with former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney, his closest competition in the polls.

One key difference? Social Security. Perry doubled down on his assertion that the program was a “Ponzi scheme,” even if Karl Rove says otherwise. Pressed by the moderators, Perry declined to get technical, or philosophical: “I think any of us that want to go back and change 70 years of whats been going on in this country is going to have a tough time,” he said. “Talking about what folks were doing in the 30’s and 40’s is a nice intellectual conversation.” But intellectual conversation apparently wasn’t on Perry’s to-do list.

Romney, who, with his substantially more polished answers and handy data points, frequently appeared to be running for president of people who speak in complete sentences, had a somewhat different opinion about the program: Sure, Social Security has long-term funding difficulties—but none that can’t be solved with a little technocratic gimmickry. “It’s a program that’s working for millions of Americans,” he said, shortly after agreeing that its finances were broken. But the people, they like it: The GOP nominee, Romney insisted, “has to be someone who isn’t committed to abolishing Social Security, but who is committed to saving it.” Mitt Romney wants you to know that he is prepared to be that nominee!

The other candidates on stage came prepared to say things as well, if that’s what getting enough votes to win the GOP nomination requires. Former Pennsylvania Sen. Rick Santorum’s opening bid included the following statements: “I have a plan!” and “I’ve done things!” Both true, I’m sure. Jon Huntsman seemed friendly, and orange. Ex-Godfather’s exec Herman Cain touted his own plan, a 9-9-9 pizza deal to save the economy. Bachmann, who earned executive experience as foster mother to 23, fretted that she was “very concerned about parental rights,” and, in the midst of a long rant about ObamaCare, also found time to say, rather emphatically, that “Kids. Need. Jobs.” Newt Gingrinch namechecked Art Laffer, Ronald Reagan, and himself, then proposed making English America’s official language. He also said he’d fire Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke today if given the opportunity. Huge applause! Almost as big as Perry’s death penalty line. (Let’s hope no one suggests executing Bernanke.)

Sometimes the moderators amused themselves by asking Rep. Ron Paul what this whole libertarianism thing is all about. They asked about drug regulation, and airline safety, and a slew of other lazy libertarian gotchas. Paul did his best to explain in 90 seconds why federal regulation of the drug industry isn’t always so hot, and, by the way, neither is the long-lost drug war. Somewhere in the middle of the night, he stopped to offer a half complaint about President Ronald Reagan—the debate’s namesake and ghost-host (it was held at the Reagan Library). “The message of Reagan was great!” said Paul. “But the consequences,” including huge deficits…well, not so much. The moderators, however, tended to ignore his responses, preferring instead to run Paul through endless variations on the same question: Really? You believe that? Are you actually serious?

Carl Kelm discussed the debate in today’s Political Diary:

NBC News and Politico, the co-hosts of last night’s GOP debate in Simi Valley, Calif., clearly wanted the candidates to tussle. And it was just as clear that the candidates didn’t need much prodding.

Rick Perry and Mitt Romney were placed next to each other at the center of the stage and lavished with the most attention. Mr. Perry, in particular, was continually tested by both the moderators and his opponents. “I kind of feel like a piñata here,” he said at one point.

The debate’s early exchange on job creation — in which Mr. Perry said Mr. Romney created fewer jobs than Michael Dukakis, and Mr. Romney fired back that Mr. Perry created fewer jobs than George W. Bush — was perhaps the night’s most memorable scrap. The most impactful, though, may have been their discussion on Social Security. Mr. Perry reaffirmed the position he laid out in his book “Fed Up!” that Social Security is essentially a Ponzi scheme, to which Mr. Romney retorted, “our nominee has to be someone who isn’t committed to abolishing Social Security, but who is committed to saving Social Security.”

By deciding to embrace his previous comments on Social Security, Mr. Perry showed himself willing to gamble on authenticity and boldness. Of course, doubling-down doesn’t always produce a winning hand. Moreover, Mr. Perry refused to remain above the fray, despite his status as the new front-runner. He routinely traded barbs with his rivals regardless of their position in the polls. Sparring with Mr. Romney is one thing, but mixing it up with Ron Paul? Perhaps Mr. Perry sees himself as the GOP’s alpha male, never backing down from a fight.

The Texan also revealed a willingness to alienate the Republican establishment, including Karl Rove and Dick Cheney. With so many GOP leaders and donors still making up their minds, that’s a risky strategy.

Still, it’s worth mentioning that Paul Ryan and Chris Christie have gotten so much attention, in part, because there is a hunger among top Republicans for someone to tell tough truths, especially on entitlement reform. Mr. Perry said that “it’s time to have some provocative language in this country,” and he seems more than willing to show the way.

* * *

While the Republican debate was primarily an occasion for Mitt Romney and the GOP field to probe Rick Perry, it also marked an opportunity for two second-tier candidates, Michele Bachmann and Jon Huntsman, to re-establish themselves. Neither did enough.

Ms. Bachmann, who at one point looked like conservatives’ choice to square off with Mr. Romney, faded into irrelevance in this debate. It’s true that she got roughly half as many questions as Messrs. Perry and Romney, but it’s also true that she made little of the questions got. Mr. Perry’s rise has eclipsed the Minnesota congresswoman, and the debates probably represent her best chance to reclaim her old spot in the polls.

Mr. Huntsman had a better night and did a decent job of touting his record as a former governor of Utah. “We’ve got to remember that to beat President Obama, we have to have somebody who’s been in the private sector, understands the fragility of the free-market system, has been a successful governor as it relates to job creation, and knows something about this world,” he said. He also delivered winning answers on health care and energy policy, though we’d add that attacking fellow Republicans as anti-science isn’t the best way to win over primary voters.

The bigger trouble for Mr. Huntsman is that a solid performance simply isn’t sufficient. Running to Mr. Romney’s left was a strategic miscalculation that has left him with only a very slight chance of victory.

For more on the debate, check out the WSJ’s coverage here and here. On that whole Social Security issue, Shikha Dalmia explained how it is not actually a Ponzi Scheme….it is much worse for three reasons:

One, a Ponzi scheme collects money from new investors and uses it to pay  previous investors—minus a fee. But Social Security collects money from new investors, uses some of it to pay previous investors, and spends the surplus on programs for politically favored groups—minus the cost of supporting a massive bureaucracy. Over the years, trillions of dollars have been spent on these groups and bureaucrats.

Two, participation in Ponzi schemes is voluntary. Not so with Social Security. The government automatically withholds payroll taxes and “invests” them for you.

Three: When a Ponzi scheme can’t con new investors in sufficient numbers to pay the previous investors, it collapses. But when Social Security runs low on investors—also called poor working stiffs—it raises taxes.

Read the whole article here. And on the Ron Paul front, check out Matt Welch’s look at Ron Paul’s Reagan:

Ron Paul, like many small-l libertarians, was indeed an early and enthusiastic supporter of Ronald Reagan’s presidential ambitions…in 1976. By 1988, when Rick Perry was still a Democrat who supported and endorsed the-then Blue Doggish Al Gore, the initial libertarian enthusiasm for “Reagan’s message of smaller government and lower taxes” had disintegrated into acute alienation over the Great Communicator’s tangible record of growing government, debt, and foreign entanglements.

Rick Perry and his supporters this week are firing back at Paul’s Reagan-repudiating record, quoting from his 1987 resignation letter from the Republican Party and other comments from Paul’s 1988 Libertarian Party run for president. These gotcha attempts actually bolster Paul’s credentials as a limited-government conservative, and highlight an important libertarian critique of Reagan (and by extension, the modern GOP) that has mostly been washed away by decades of Republican nostalgia for The Gipper.

In other news from earlier this week, the Prop 8 case appears likely to continue in California:

Earlier in the day, we previewed (here) Tuesday’s arguments at the California Supreme Court over whether the supporters of Proposition 8 have standing to appeal Judge Vaughn Walker’s 2010 ruling that the marriage ban is unconstitutional.

As we noted in the earlier post, the standing issue is complicated. But it’s tremendously important to the fate of Proposition 8, the measure passed nearly three years ago that bans same-sex marriage in the Golden State.

On Tuesday, the California Supreme Court heard arguments on the issue — essentially whether the backers of Proposition 8 have enough of a stake in the matter to defend it in court. According to this article from the the LA Times, the court signaled a willingness to rule that the Prop. 8 backers can stay in the case — and therefore that the appeal can continue.

George Will’s latest column is on a somewhat obscure legal issue, but is, as usual, a must-read:

Liberal certitudes continue to dissolve, the most recent solvent being a robust new defense of a 1905 Supreme Court decision that liberals have long reviled — and misrepresented. To understand why the court correctly decided Lochner v. New York and why this is relevant to current arguments, read David E. Bernstein’s “Rehabilitating Lochner: Defending Individual Rights against Progressive Reform.”

Since the New Deal, courts have stopped defending liberty of contract and other unenumerated rights grounded in America’s natural-rights tradition. These are referred to by the Ninth Amendment, which explicitly protects unenumerated rights “retained by the people,” and by the “privileges or immunities” and “liberty” cited in the 14th Amendment. Progressivism, Bernstein argues, is hostile to America’s premise that individuals possess rights that pre-exist government and are not fully enumerated in the Constitution. This doctrine stands athwart liberalism’s aspiration to erase constitutional limits on government’s regulatory powers.

Want to know exactly how bad the TSA has gotten? If you are groped to the point of a clear sexual assault by a TSA official, and have the temerity to complain about it, you could well find yourself a defendant in a lawsuit brought by the TSA officer:

On March 31st of this year, Amy Alkon — a writer who blogs at the Advice Goddess Blog — was sexually assaulted in front of dozens of witnesses. . . .

Amy — who refused to be scanned — was instead forcibly groped by a TSA employee. Unlike most Americans, she didn’t take it quietly. She expressed her feelings of violation and humiliation, in person at the time and in writing later[.]

* * *

Despite the wide audience she enjoys, Amy’s story could easily have been lost in the din of routine TSA excess. But because Amy didn’t take it quietly — because she called the TSA employee out for her assault, and because she wrote about it — now she’s facing a legal threat.

The TSA agent — one Thedala Magee — has demanded that Amy pay her $500,000 for Magdee’s distress at being called out.

And we wonder why people hate lawyers so much.

To end on a happier note, check out Katherine Mangu-Ward’s post about microlending site Kiva from earlier this week, complete with the video below (click here to view the video in Vimeo):

Microlending site Kiva.org makes it ridiculously easy for (comparatively) rich folk to loan money to (comparatively) poor folk halfway around the world who want to buy a cow or open a business. The loans are paid back on a set schedule—at an astonishingly high rate of almost 99 percent—at which point lenders can take their money and go out to dinner or plow it back into another business.

Here’s a spiffy animation that tracks Kiva loans as they fly back and forth across the globe—starting with just seven tiny fireflies drifting from the Bay Area to East Africa and back again in 2005, then an explosion of light in late 2006 when the site gets national publicity from Frontline. Watch it on full screen if you can.

Intercontinental Ballistic Microfinance from Kiva on Vimeo.

New Mexico

The Land of Enchantment made the pages of the Washington Post yesterday with news that a new ghost town may be headed our way:

New Mexico, home to several of the nation’s premier scientific, nuclear and military institutions, is planning to take part in an unprecedented science project — a 20-square-mile model of a small U.S. city.

A Washington, D.C.-based technology company announced plans Tuesday to build the state’s newest ghost town to test everything from renewable energy innovations to intelligent traffic systems, next-generation wireless networks and smart-grid cyber security systems.

Although no one will live there, the replica city will be modeled after a typical American town of 35,000 people, complete with highways, houses and commercial buildings, old and new.

Pegasus Global Holdings CEO Bob Brumley says the $200 million project, known as The Center, will be a first of its kind in the U.S., creating a place for scientists at the state’s universities, federal labs and military installations to test their innovations for upgrading cities to 21st century green technology and infrastructure in a real world setting.

It will also enable them to rub shoulders with investors, meaning it could ultimately draw enough new businesses to give the state a technology corridor like that in California’s Silicon Valley or Virginia’s Reston, Brumley said.

Read the whole story here.

 

 

 

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