National
Jeffrey Toobin has a lengthy piece up at the New Yorker asking the question Will Clarence and Virginia Thomas succeed in killing Obama’s health-care plan:
The implications of Thomas’s leadership for the Court, and for the country, are profound. Thomas is probably the most conservative Justice to serve on the Court since the nineteen-thirties. More than virtually any of his colleagues, he has a fully wrought judicial philosophy that, if realized, would transform much of American government and society. Thomas’s views both reflect and inspire the Tea Party movement, which his wife has helped lead almost since its inception. The Tea Party is a diffuse operation, and it can be difficult to pin down its stand on any given issue. Still, the Tea Party is unusual among American political movements in its commitment to a specific view of the Constitution—one that accords, with great precision, with Thomas’s own approach. For decades, various branches of the conservative movement have called for a reduction in the size of the federal government, but for the Tea Party, and for Thomas, small government is a constitutional command.
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In recent weeks, two federal courts of appeals have reached opposing conclusions about the constitutionality of the 2010 health-care law; the Sixth Circuit, in Cincinnati, upheld it, while the Eleventh Circuit, in Atlanta, struck down its requirement that all Americans buy health insurance. This conflict means that the Supreme Court will almost certainly agree to review the case this fall, with a decision expected by June of next year. It is likely to be the most important case for the Justices since Bush v. Gore, and it will certainly be the clearest test yet of Thomas’s ascendancy at the Court. Thomas’s entire career as a judge has been building toward the moment when he would be able to declare that law unconstitutional. It would be not only a victory for his approach to the Constitution but also, it seems, a defeat for the enemies who have pursued him for so long: liberals, law professors, journalists—the group that Thomas refers to collectively as “the élites.” Thomas’s triumph over the health-care law and its supporters is by no means assured, but it is now tantalizingly within reach.
The full piece, though fairly long, is worth a read. Speaking of SCOTUS, a couple days ago Damon Root highlighted an upcoming case that has some interesting implications:
The New York Times’ Adam Liptak previews the upcoming Supreme Court case of Perry v. New Hampshire, which will consider the role of eyewitness testimony in the American legal system. As Liptak writes:
Every year, more than 75,000 eyewitnesses identify suspects in criminal investigations. Those identifications are wrong about a third of the time, a pile of studies suggest….
In November, the Supreme Court will return to the question of what the Constitution has to say about the use of eyewitness evidence. The last time the court took a hard look at the question was in 1977. Since then, the scientific understanding of human memory has been transformed.
Indeed, there is no area in which social science research has done more to illuminate a legal issue. More than 2,000 studies on the topic have been published in professional journals in the past 30 years.
What they collectively show is that it is perilous to base a conviction on a witness’s identification of a stranger. Memory is not a videotape. It is fragile at best, worse under stress and subject to distortion and contamination.
Read the whole story here. Read Radley Balko’s 2009 Reason report on the unreliability of eyewitness testimony here.
Over at CATO, Chris Edwards takes a closer look at Rick Perry’s Spending Record:
I awarded Mr. Perry grades of “B” in the last two Cato governor report cards. My analyses revealed a pretty good tax and spending record, but Perry certainly fell short of the reform-minded zeal shown by former “A” governor, Mark Sanford of South Carolina. Recent articles by Shikha Dalmia of Reason and Aman Batheja of the Fort Worth Star-Telegram suggest that Perry’s fiscal record is a mixed bag.
Let’s look at the numbers. Rick Perry came into office in December 2000, which was in the middle of Texas fiscal year 2001. Texas general fund spending has risen from $29 billion that first Perry year to $41 billion by fiscal 2011, which works out to an average annual increase of 3.5 percent. (Data from NASBO).
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Thus, Mr. Perry has been Mr. Average on state spending. Over the past decade, per capita state general fund spending rose the same amount in Texas as the nation as a whole.
Note that total Texas state spending has risen substantially faster than just the general fund part of the Texas budget over the last decade (see Figure 16 in here). However, governors have more control over the general fund part of their budgets, so that is probably the best measure of a governors’ spending performance. (Still, Mr. Perry might want to explain to primary voters why the overall Texas budget has grown so quickly).
In yesterday’s Political Diary, Carl Kelm discussed a new poll showing a tightening of the GOP race:
A new poll out of Iowa shows the Republican contest tightening. The survey, conducted by PPP, puts newcomer Rick Perry in first place at 22%, with Mitt Romney at 19%, Michele Bachmann at 18% and Ron Paul at 16%. Given the margin of error, that amounts to a four-way tie.
In context, though, the poll is a win for Mr. Perry. The Texas governor has been mocked in the press as a George W. Bush clone with kooky views on evolution and global warming. But his message on job creation and economic growth appears to be resonating with the Republican base.
The poll is bad news for Ms. Bachmann and Mr. Romney. The Minnesota congresswoman, whose path to the nomination depends heavily on a victory in Iowa, has seen virtually no bounce from her Ames straw poll win earlier this month. To the contrary, her numbers have trended downwards. According to PPP, her favorables have gone from 53%-16% in June to 47%-35% now, leading the pollsters to conclude, “No one is sinking faster than Bachmann.” Mr. Perry’s numbers, meanwhile, have shot up to 56%-24%. And although his favorables will probably tighten up as voters get to know him better, the Texan begins his one-on-one with Ms. Bachmann in a superior position.
Mr. Romney finds himself in something of a dilemma. On one hand, Iowa has never been particularly important to his strategy, and he can absorb a loss there relatively easily. On the other hand, with Mr. Perry and Ms. Bachmann splitting the social conservatives and tea party affiliates, there’s an opportunity for Mr. Romney to cobble together a winning coalition of his own. And a win in Iowa, coupled with an expected victory in New Hampshire, could end the contest early.
Mr. Romney probably won’t go that route — his campaign has thus far shown a strong aversion to risk — but if he feels Mr. Perry is gaining too much momentum, it might make sense to opt for a three-way Iowa contest rather than face Mr. Perry one-on-one down the stretch.
George Will, one of our favorites, has some great insights in his latest column, Liberals’ Wisconsin Waterloo:
The residues of liberalism’s Wisconsin Woodstock — 1960s radicalism redux: operatic lamentations, theatrical demonstrations and electoral futilities — are words of plaintive defiance painted on sidewalks around the state capitol. “Solidarity forever” was perhaps painted by a graduate student forever at the University of Wisconsin. “Repubs steal elections” is an odd accusation from people who, seeking to overturn the 2010 elections, cheeredDemocratic lawmakers who fled to Illinois — a congenial refuge for labor-subservient Democrats — in order to paralyze the duly elected legislature. The authors of the sidewalk graffiti have at least read Jefferson: “The tree of liberty is watered by the blood of tyrants.” The tyrant is “$cott Walker American Fa$ci$t.”
Who, on a recent morning, was enjoying the view and the turn of events. From the governor’s mansion on the shore of sparkling Lake Mendota you can see on the far shore the famously liberal university, from which came many of those who protested his “budget repair” bill that already seems to have repaired many communities’ budgets, in addition to the state’s.
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Progressives want to recall Walker next year. Republicans hope they try. Wisconsin seems weary of attempts to overturn elections, and surely Obama does not want his allies squandering political money and the public’s patience. Since 1960, no Democrat has been elected president without carrying Wisconsin.
Speaking of election year politics, Jonathan Adler asks a provocative question, Can the GOP be Anti-EPA and Pro-Environment:
Most of the GOP’s Presidential hopefuls have been savage in their criticism of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). Indeed, some have called for the agency to be dismantled. Could this possibly be a good idea? I’m all for criticizing the inefficiency and ineffectiveness of federal environmental regulation — I’ve certainly done my share — but the agency is not about to disappear, no matter who is elected President, nor would simply closing the agency down be a good idea.
The NYT’s latest “Room for Debate” poses the question: “What if Republicans Closed the EPA.” Here’s my contribution.
It’s worth following the “my contribution” link for more. Also on the policy front, check out Richard Epstein’s latest contribution How is Warren Buffett Like the Pope?
A successful and sustainable political order requires stable legal and economic policies that reward innovation, spur growth, and maximize the ability of rich and poor alike to enter into voluntary arrangements. Limited government, low rates of taxation, and strong property rights are the guiding principles.
Unfortunately, many spiritual and economic leaders are working overtime to push social policy in the exact opposite direction. At the top of the list are two prominent figures: Pope Benedict XVI and financier Warren Buffett.
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Denouncing those who put ‘profits before people’ may stir the masses, but it is a wickedly deformed foundation for social policy. Profits, like losses, do not exist in the abstract. Corporations, as such, do not experience gains or losses. Those gains and losses are passed on to real people, like shareholders, consumers, workers, and suppliers. It is possible to imagine a world without profits. Yet the disappearance of profits means that investors will be unable to realize a return on either their capital or labor. Structure a system that puts people before profits, and both capital and labor will dry up. The scarcity of private investment capital will force the public sector to first raise and allocate capital and labor, though it has no idea how these resources should be deployed to help the people, writ large. A set of ill-conceived public investments will not provide useful goods and services for consumers (who are, after all, people), nor will it provide sustainable wages for workers (who are also people). Poor investment decisions will lead to a massive constriction in social output that harms all people equally.
The proper response to these difficulties is to treat profits as an accurate measure of the cost of capital, rewarded to those individuals and firms who supply some desirable mix of goods, services, and jobs that people, acting individually and not collectively, want for themselves. The genius of Adam Smith, whose musings on the invisible hand are too often derided, was to realize that private markets (supported, to be sure, by suitable public infrastructure) will do better than a command and control system in satisfying the individual’s wants and needs.
Reason.TV’s latest offering will make your blood boil if you have any respect for private property rights (click here to view in YouTube):
New Mexico
If you haven’t seen it yet, check out Ellis Wyatt’s post earlier this week explaining Why We Hate Lawyers. Errors of Enchantment, as always, has analysis worth checking out.




